Wednesday, November 17, 2010

Mehserle sentence -- in the judge's words : Crime Scene

Mehserle sentence -- in the judge's words : Crime Scene

A Homecoming For Apartheid Photos

Homecoming for Photos of Apartheid


JOHANNESBURG — When he was only in his 20s Ernest Cole, a black photographer who stood barely five feet tall, created one of the most harrowing pictorial records of what it was like to be black in apartheid South Africa. He went into exile in 1966, and the next year his work was published in the United States in a book, “House of Bondage,” but his photographs were banned in his homeland where he and his work have remained little known.
The Ernest Cole Family Trust/Hasselblad Foundation Collection
“School Class” by Ernest Cole. More Photos »

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The Ernest Cole Family Trust/Hasselblad Foundation Collection
“Boy in School” by Ernest Cole. More Photos »
In exile Mr. Cole’s life crumbled. For much of the late 1970s and 1980s he was homeless in New York, bereft of even his cameras. “His life had become a shadow,” a friend later said. Mr. Cole died at 49 in 1990, just a week after Nelson Mandelawalked free. His sister flew back to South Africa with his ashes on her lap.
Mr. Cole is at last having another kind of homecoming. The largest retrospective of his work ever mounted is now on display at the Johannesburg Art Gallery, built in the neo-Classical style almost a century ago in an era when South Africa’s great mining fortunes were being made on the backs of black labor. It is a collection of images that still possesses the power to shock and anger.
“How could white people do this to us?” asked Lebogang Malebana, 14, as he stood before a photograph of nude gold-mine recruits who had been herded into a grimy room for examination. “How could they put naked black men on display like that?”
Mr. Cole conceived the idea of his own portrait of black life after seeing Henri Cartier-Bresson’s book “People of Moscow.” He got this particular picture by sneaking his camera into the mine in his lunch bag, under sandwiches and an apple, Struan Robertson, who shared a studio and darkroom with Mr. Cole, recounted in an essay for the book that accompanies the exhibition, “Ernest Cole: Photographer.”
On a recent Saturday afternoon at the museum here in a crime-ridden downtown that long ago emptied of white people, three visitors wandered through cavernous galleries lined with Mr. Cole’s work. Lebogang, an eighth grader, had drifted in from a nearby single-room apartment that he shares with his mother, who is a maid, and his younger brother. His father is in jail. “It’s very sad,” he said as he lingered over the black-and-white images.
Jimmy Phindi Tjege, 27, who like many young black South Africans has never held a job in a society still scarred by apartheid, had come to the exhibition with his girlfriend, Nomthandazo Patience Chazo, 26, who works for the government and has a car. They had driven from their black township, Daveyton, about 30 miles away.
Ms. Chazo was struck by a photograph of four hungry children scraping porridge from a single pot set on a concrete floor. Mr. Tjege singled out another picture, one of a serious boy squatting on the floor of an unfurnished schoolroom, clutching a chalkboard, with two tears of sweat running down the side of his face.
“I feel angry,” Mr. Tjege said, as he gestured to the rest of the gallery with a sweep of his hand. “This room is full of anger.”
Mr. Cole’s captions and photographs are imbued with wrenching emotions.
Next to a photograph of a maid holding a white baby girl whose lips are pressed to the woman’s forehead, the caption says: “Servants are not forbidden to love. Woman holding child said, ‘I love this child, though she’ll grow up to treat me just like her mother does.’ ”
The caption for a picture of a hospital ward where the floor was crowded with sick children reads, “New cases have their names written on adhesive tape stuck to their foreheads.”
A series of images of tsotsis, young black gangsters, picking the pockets of white men is accompanied by a caption that reads: “Whites are angered if touched by anyone black, but a black hand under the chin is enraging. This man, distracted by his fury, does not realize his pocket is being rifled.”
The son of a washerwoman and a tailor, Mr. Cole quit high school in 1957 at 16 as the Bantu education law meant to consign blacks to menial labor went into effect.
When he was 20, the apartheid authorities deemed his family’s brick home and the black township where it sat as a “black spot” and bulldozed them into rubble.
Somehow, pretending to be an orphan, Mr. Cole had by then already managed to persuade apartheid bureaucrats to reclassify him as colored, or mixed race, despite his dark skin. His fluency in Afrikaans, the language of most coloreds, probably helped. His ability to pass as colored freed him from laws that required blacks always to carry a work permit when in “white areas,” and this mobility proved crucial to his photography.
Joseph Lelyveld, a retired executive editor of The New York Times who was The Times’s correspondent in Johannesburg in the mid-1960s and worked with Mr. Cole, then a freelancer, described the young photographer as a wry, soft-spoken man.
“His judgments could be angry, but he had an ironic, almost furtive nature, conditioned by what he was trying to pull off,” Mr. Lelyveld, who remained a friend of Mr. Cole until his death, said in a telephone interview. “It wasn’t easy to be a black man walking around Johannesburg with expensive cameras. The presumption would be you stole them.”
In the mid-1970s, when Mr. Cole was destitute and homeless in New York, Mr. Lelyveld said they went together to a cheap hotel where Mr. Cole had left his negatives and the photographs he had of his mother, only to discover they had gone to an auction of unclaimed items.
For years rumors circulated that a suitcase of Mr. Cole’s prints had survived somewhere in Sweden. David Goldblatt, a renowned South African photographer, had heard they were with the Hasselblad Foundation there. When Mr. Goldblatt received the Hasselblad Award in 2006, and traveled to Gothenburg to accept it, he asked to see them. He said he was agape paging through the images, saying, “They can’t lie in a vault.”
Later, when he carefully studied scans of them at his home in Johannesburg, Mr. Goldblatt, now 80, said he began to realize that many of the photographs in “House of Bondage” had been cropped severely to enhance their impact in a powerful anti-apartheid polemic. But the full frames showed Mr. Cole’s artistry.
“He wasn’t just brave,” said Mr. Goldblatt, who has been photographing this country for more than a half-century. “He wasn’t just enterprising. He was a supremely fine photographer.”
For example, the picture of naked mine recruits photographed in a line from behind, their arms outstretched as if they were being held up, had a water basin on the wall at the end of the line. It was almost entirely cut out in the book.
“Cole was careful to include the basin, and the basin is like the full stop or exclamation mark in a sentence,” Mr. Goldblatt said. “It just brings another dimension. It makes it banal. It’s not just dramatic, it’s banally dramatic. This is the kind of thing photographers live by, these details.”
Next year the exhibition, organized by the Hasselblad Foundation, will travel to Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, Durban and Mamelodi, the black township outside Pretoria where Mr. Cole’s family still lives. The foundation is now planning an American tour that probably will include San Francisco, Detroit, Atlanta and New York.

China's Vice President In South Africa To Look At New Mineral Investments

SA-CHINA
China's Xi in SA for minerals, investment
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By: Reuters
16th November 2010 
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Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping began a trip to mineral-rich South Africa on Tuesday aimed at securing resources for the Asian economic power, looking to extend its influence in the African continent.
Beijing sees global mining power and regional financial services leader South Africa as a vital source of commodities to fuel its rapidly expanding economy and industries and as a stepping stone to access other African states.
Xi, pegged as China's next president, is on a three-day official visit to Africa's largest economy, which exports about $5,5-billion a year in minerals to the state and has been increasingly a destination of Chinese foreign direct investment.
The Chinese delegation and South Africa are expected on Wednesday to sign a bilateral memorandum of understanding for co-operation in geology and mining, and a letter of intent related to South Africa's energy sector, among others.
"It makes sense that China's political diplomacy marries that desire to reshape the world with Africa's participation," Jeremy Stevens, an economist at Standard Bank told Reuters.
Standard Bank, the largest on the continent is 20% owned by the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, in an arrangement analysts felt could foster increased Chinese investment in the continent but has yet to yield major dividends.
NOT FULLY LEVERAGED
Chinese investors are frustrated with a South African bureaucracy seen as more cumbersome than other major mining countries like Australia. Implementing resource deals that include infrastructure investments to unlock commodity delivery bottlenecks are also concern, an expert on China-Africa relations said.
"We don't get to fully leverage the opportunities that China presents us, from an investment perspective, a trade perspective and a market access perspective," saidMartyn Davies, CEO of Johannesburg-based Frontier Advisory.
China is South Africa's biggest bilateral trading partner and the focal point of its plan to divert more trade and investment from traditional markets in Europe and North America to the world's fastest growing economies.
But China also serves as a model of state action in the economy, with Pretoria hoping to join it in the BRIC – Brazil, Russia, India and China – group of fast emerging economies.
But a "BRICSA" grouping seems unlikely for now with South Africa growth projected at 3% this year, hardly the blistering pace of other members. Its economy is also less than a quarter of the size of the smallest BRIC economy.
Xi next travels to oil-rich Angola and Botswana in visits seen as helping China's energy and resources security.
China's mineral diplomacy has been criticised for its secrecy and bolstering a few governments Western states accuse of human rights violations.
A senior World Bank executive said Chinese companies eyeing African mineral resources must stop making closed-door deals and become more transparent in their investments.
South African President Jacob Zuma visited China in August, seeking to increase bilateral financial flows and for ways to narrow his country's two-way trade deficit, which hit $2,7-billion last year.

Antipiracy Ops Would Stretch SA Navy

 
Article by: Sapa
The South African Navy (SAN) is capable of mounting antipiracy operations off the coast of Somalia, but these would be difficult to sustain for longer than six months, Parliament's defence portfolio committee heard on Tuesday.

Briefing Members of Parliament (MPs), SAN chief director maritime strategy, Rear-AdmiralBernhard Teuteberg, said that if a warship was sent to take part in such operations, it would need to be rotated every three months.

He told members the SAN was capable of taking part in something such as Operation Atalanta, which involves naval forces from European Union states.

"We believe that we are capable of participating in something such as Operation Atalanta... because Atalanta would assist us with the necessary logistics support, base support, intelligence etc etc, that we couldn't do on our own.

"However, it would be a very difficult situation to maintain a presence in Somali waters over an extended period of time, because - if you decide to send a frigate - you have to swap that frigate probably every three months and bring it back to South Africa

"Do we have those forces to rotate on a regular basis? I would contend [that] at present it would be very difficult to in fact be able to do so.

"So, for a... relatively short duration, three to six months, we would probably be able to maintain a presence in Somalia. I think we would be, given sufficient warning, ready to do so. And given the support Atalanta would give us, I believe the SA Navy could," he said.

Earlier, Teuteberg noted that any decision to send the SAN on such an operation was a political one and "a very sensitive issue".

Further, that there would be "implications" in deploying units from the country's small navy, which operates four frigates and three submarines, away from home waters.

"There are implications, and I don't want to go too deeply into those implications," he said.

The UN-sanctioned Operation Atalanta, aimed at protecting vulnerable ships passing through the Somalia region of the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden, involves warships from seven EU members states.


Tuesday, November 16, 2010

South Sudan's Secession

South Sudan and independence

Pressing the north to let the south go

Pressure is mounting on the north to let Africa’s largest country be divided

THE American administration is pressing Omar al-Bashir’s Sudanese government in Khartoum to let the southern bit of his country become peacefully independent after a referendum due there on January 9th, when an overwhelming majority of southerners is expected to plump for secession. The iron-fisted Mr Bashir has promised to abide by the outcome of the vote. Yet he could still play plenty of tricks, both in the run-up to the vote and after it, with the aim of keeping as much of the oil-rich land between north and south and to ensure that the new country is a flop.
To help Mr Bashir keep his word, John Kerry, chairman of the American Senate’s foreign relations committee, recently flew to Khartoum with an offer from President Barack Obama: ensure a decent referendum in South Sudan and abide by its result and you will no longer be labelled a state sponsor of terror.
An early sign of Mr Bashir’s intentions will be the terms of citizenship he offers to the 1m-plus southerners living in the north. Another test is how he behaves in Darfur, a cauldron of violence. Yet the biggest issue to watch is Abyei, an oily strip of land straddling the north-south border and abutting Darfur. Abyei will have a separate referendum on which country to join, also on January 9th. The north has angered the south by suggesting that this vote should be delayed. The southerners say an agreement over Abyei is urgent. If there is no deal soon, war—say gloomsters—could resume.
Peace has held since 2005 but both sides have been rearming. The south has bought Soviet-era weaponry from Ukrainian stockpiles. Some southern generals have grown rich and lazy on pilfered funds but their soldiers are still formidable bush fighters, easier to disperse than to defeat. The north has bumped up its Chinese weaponry and may have stoked tribal violence between Dinka, Murle and Nuer groups in the south to justify delaying the vote.
But China may no longer be an unqualified backer of Mr Bashir. It propped the president up through the worst of the killing in Darfur because it needed Sudanese oil. It now gets much less of its oil imports, only about 6%, from Sudan. Moreover, new oil finds around Lake Albert in Uganda and Congo have helped alter China’s thinking about the region. It will probably bid to build a pipeline, 1,400km (870 miles) long, to link South Sudan and the Lake Albert fields to a planned port north of Lamu, on the Kenyan coast, as well as parallel roads and railways. This could take years to complete. But South Sudan can be cautiously hopeful that a commercially minded China will not oppose its independence. On this score at least, America and China may be on the same side.

Uganda's Dangerous Rebels

Uganda's dangerous rebels

Lords of woe

America wants to end the reign of a brutal rebel group. But can it?

Displaced by Joseph Kony’s devils
FOR a man whose job consists largely of counting the massacred, raped and abducted among his flock, Father Benoît Kinalegu is surprisingly sunny. He firmly expects Barack Obama to send American forces to intervene soon in the nasty guerrilla conflict on his doorstep. “It’s not enough just to send money,” he says, sitting in his office in Dungu, in the remote north-eastern part of Congo.
Two years ago the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), a Ugandan rebel group, unleashed a brutal campaign, perhaps its bloodiest in more than two decades of its existence, against isolated villages in the ungoverned borderlands straddling north-eastern Congo, southern Sudan and the eastern bit of the Central African Republic (CAR). The UN has documented more than 2,000 civilian killings and 2,600 kidnappings by the LRA in the past two years; other human-rights people say a lot more. At least 440,000 people have fled their homes. Until a few months ago, Father Kinalegu had little reason to hope that the rebels and their bloodthirsty leader, Joseph Kony, would ever be stopped.
But in May Mr Obama signed into law the Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act, making it American policy to kill or capture Mr Kony and to crush his rebellion once and for all. America has repeatedly said that peace in the region is in its own interest. It would free up thousands of Ugandan troops to redeploy them under the African Union’s aegis in Somalia, where the rise of the jihadist Shabab militia has rattled the Americans.
The new law was also born of a moral obligation to make up for past mistakes. On December 14th 2008, less than three weeks before George Bush left office, the Americans provided advisers, intelligence and logistical support for a Ugandan army operation to hit LRA bases in Congo. But the air raids failed to defeat the rebels, Ugandan ground troops never arrived, and Mr Kony and his closest LRA friends escaped. Since the Ugandans and their American backers had no plan to protect civilians, the LRA began a new killing spree that continues to this day.
Getting Mr Kony and his henchmen was never going to be easy. With forces already operating in two big combat theatres, Iraq and Afghanistan, and painful memories of its intervention in Somalia nearly two decades ago lingering, it was unlikely that America would send troops to fight an African bush war. Among its potential partners in the region, Kenya is loth to get involved. The Ugandan army is better placed to serve as America’s proxy. But its record, after failing for 20 years to clobber the LRA, is hardly glorious.
This time the elasticity of the new American law may help. It allows for American financial and logistical backing for a small coalition of the willing. The French already have a permanent base in the CAR and a long history of intervening in African trouble-spots. Some senior Ugandan soldiers have called for drone attacks against the rebels. “It’s not just a choice between minor logistical support or putting hundreds of American troops on the ground,” says Paul Ronan, a founder of Resolve, a Washington-based lobby that pushed for the law. “There’s a wide range of options in between. There’s a lot the Obama administration can do if they’re serious about this.”
The Americans are due to announce a plan of action later this month. Doing nothing could be costly. In August Mr Kony is believed to have slipped beyond the reach of Uganda’s army into the southern part of the embattled Sudanese region of Darfur, perhaps to renew ties with his former benefactors in the government in Khartoum, Sudan’s capital. As ethnic tensions in Darfur still simmer and southern Sudan is on edge ahead of an independence referendum due in January, Mr Kony and his men can still sow strife across a wide area. Hence America’s renewed eagerness to stop him.

China's Africa resource hunt needs transparency

China's Africa resource hunt needs transparency