Jacob Zuma Is A Threat To South African Democracy

Adriaan Basson | Protect democracy from Zuma and his MKP's lies accreditation Adriaan Basson Comments Comments gifting Gift article add bookmark Bookmark 06:38 Fear of the nation | Former president Jacob Zuma addresses MKP supporters outside the Electoral Court in Johannesburg. Fear of the nation | Former president Jacob Zuma addresses MKP supporters outside the Electoral Court in Johannesburg. Mlungisi Louw / Gallo Images The IEC and Constitutional Court must be protected from defamatory and hateful statements made by Jacob Zuma's MKP, writes Adriaan Basson. The uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP), former president Jacob Zuma's new political home, uses disinformation and emotive language to discredit the Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) and the Constitutional Court. They must be exposed and stopped. After the IEC announced its decision to appeal a ruling by the Electoral Court that Zuma could be a candidate for Parliament, the MKP has attempted to discredit two of the most important institutions of democracy in our constitutional dispensation. READ | Zuma's MK Party guns for the IEC, calls for Zondo's recusal in appeal The IEC and the Constitutional Court are arguably the country's two strongest state institutions. Both have a proud history of 30 years of independent, professional service to the people of South Africa. The IEC has overseen multiple national, provincial and local elections with the highest integrity and accountability. It is an institution run by professional accountants, lawyers, systems engineers and auditors. I've witnessed first-hand how the IEC's professional staff run, compute and audit elections. It is a world-class show. Attempts to discredit the IEC for taking the MKP ruling on appeal is an underhanded attempt by MKP to erode the public's confidence in the institution. It is interesting how Zuma never questioned the integrity, professionalism, and accuracy of the IEC while he was the president of the ANC and the president of the country. Yet, since he has been anointed as the "leader" of MKP, a party that will definitely not obtain a national majority on 29 May, he is happy to undermine the IEC. In 2016, after the local government elections, then-president Zuma said: "The commissioners and IEC staff worked long hours, and delivered an efficient and fair election yet again. They have once again affirmed the faith and confidence our people have in the IEC and the integrity of our elections." As they say on social media, "we see you". The IEC had every right – like Zuma has done in the past, on multiple occasions – to approach the Constitutional Court for certainty on a ruling that affect the IEC's mandate. Under the Constitution, a criminal who received a sentence of 12 months or longer, without the option of a fine, is disqualified from becoming a member of Parliament. The Electoral Court is yet to give reasons for ruling in Zuma's favour, but his legal team's strongest argument was that President Cyril Ramaphosa's decision to grant Zuma a remission of sentence in August last year effectively meant his 15-month sentence was reduced to the almost two months he served. It is a technical argument and deserves to be digested once more by an appellate division – in this case, the Constitutional Court. Zuma's sordid relationship with Chief Justice Raymond Zondo started when Zondo refused to withdraw as head of the commission into state capture because of a prior relationship with Zuma's family. Zuma's refusal to subsequently appear before Zondo led to his conviction of contempt of court by the Constitutional Court, for which he was sentenced to 15 months in prison. On Sunday, MKP spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela told City Press that Zondo was "the same person who sentenced Zuma in 2021 – illegally and unlawfully". Ndhlela further accused the IEC of approaching the Constitutional Court to "collude with corrupt judges". This is blatantly false, and Ndhlela deserves to be called out and rebuked. READ | Ramaphosa's remission of Zuma's jail sentence at the centre of legal blows in Electoral Court Zondo never participated in the contempt of court proceedings. He recused himself because the case centred on his order for Zuma to appear before the State Capture Inquiry. He was also not sentenced by Zondo. The conviction and sentence, by a full bench of Constitutional Court judges, was delivered by then-acting chief justice Sisi Khampepe. To accuse the IEC and the Constitutional Court of conspiracy and corruption is highly defamatory to both institutions. Ndhlela himself should be hauled before the Electoral Court. Ndhlela continued by saying the IEC is not independent and should "shut up and move on". This is dangerous rhetoric shortly before an election. Nobody has ever told Zuma to "shut up and move on" if he wanted to appeal one of this many court cases. Zuma should lecture his new colleagues in MKP about the importance of the Constitutional Court and the IEC. Having served as state president for nine years, he must know the dangers of undermining critical institutions of democracy. The reason for Ndhlela's outburst is apparent: the MKP needs Zuma's face on the ballot paper to stand any chance of winning a few seats in Parliament. At least he is honest about that: "Zuma's face being on it is alone at least 50% of our job done." The MKP is banking on a few thousand people voting for the party because of Zuma and nothing else. No policies, governance track record or vision. They are allowed to campaign as hard as they like, but they cannot denigrate critical institutions of democracy that, if acted upon, could lead to anarchy and violence. – Adriaan Basson is editor-in-chief of News24 and co-author of the recently published Who Will Rule South Africa? (Flyleaf Publishers). *Want to respond to the columnist? Send your letter or article to opinions@news24.com with your name and town or province. You are welcome to also send a profile picture. We encourage a diversity of voices and views in our readers' submissions and reserve the right not to publish any and all submissions received. Disclaimer: News24 encourages freedom of speech and the expression of diverse views. The views of columnists published on News24 are therefore their own and do not necessarily represent the views of News24.

Protestors In Niger Demand That U.S. Troops Leave

The Emperor’s New Clothes NIGER Protest broke out in Niger’s capital of Niamey over the weekend, with demonstrators demanding the departure of US troops, after the ruling junta shifted its strategy by ending a military accord with the US and welcomed its first delegation of Russian military personnel, Reuters reported. The crowd waved Nigerien flags in a demonstration that recalled anti-French protests which spurred the withdrawal of the French military from Niger last year after Niger’s democratically elected President Mohamed Bazoum was overthrown by the military, the newswire wrote. “We’re here to say no to the American base, we don’t want Americans on our soil,” said protester Maria Saley. Last month, the junta revoked a deal that had stationed 1,000 US soldiers in two bases, to help the former government fight Islamist insurgents in the Sahel region. Niger has long been an important strategic partner in fighting Islamist extremists. Mali and Burkina Faso – which also had military coups over the past few years and are run by military juntas – also have ended deals with their erstwhile Western allies, partnered with Russia, and quit the regional bloc, ECOWAS, which had also taken steps to oppose Niger’s junta following the coup. On Wednesday, Russian military instructors and equipment arrived in Niger, part of an initiative by Moscow to boost its influence on the continent. According to the Institute for the Study of War, the Russians are part of the Africa Corps, the new paramilitary structure replacing the Wagner Group, the military contractor whose mercenaries spread in Africa until its leader, Yevgeny Prigozhin, was killed last year. Even so, the equipment that Russia is supplying isn’t likely to be used in the fight against the insurgents but more to protect the junta from ECOWAS, the BBC wrote. At the same time, a senior US official said that despite the demonstration and public calls for US troops to leave, senior ministers in Niger’s government were privately requesting the US not to abandon the deal or Niger completely, the New York Times reported. As a result, there is no timetable yet as to when the US military personnel will leave. Meanwhile, analysts told the BBC they fear that as Niger moves closer to countries outside the Western bloc including Russia, China and Iran, the alliance with Russia could encourage the junta to delay further a return to civilian rule, as has happened in neighboring Mali. Still, protesters said they don’t want Russia to replace France or the US as “occupiers.”

A Liberian War Criinal Gets A Long Sentence FOr War Crimes

Sowing Justice LIBERIA A French court recently sentenced Kunti Kamara, a former rebel leader in Liberia, to 30 years in prison for war crimes during the West African country’s first civil war between 1989 and 1997. Kamara, now 49, committed “acts of torture and inhuman barbarity” against civilians in the 1990s, the court found, including reportedly eating a teacher’s heart, failing to prevent his soldiers from raping two teenage girls, and a host of other horrors, wrote Agence France-Presse. His actions were part of the country’s two civil conflicts that claimed a total of 250,000 lives over 14 years. Kamara led part of the United Liberation Movement of Liberia for Democracy, or ULIMO, which opposed ex-president Charles Taylor of the National Patriotic Front. Taylor’s forces won the first civil war and he became president, but a second domestic conflict broke out three years later, ending only in 2003 when Taylor fled the country. As Human Rights Watch explained, in 2012, Taylor became the first former head of state convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity by an international court. Many Liberians say they are happy that foreign courts have punished their leaders and rebel commanders, such as Alieu Kosiah, who was found guilty of rape, murder and cannibalism by a Swiss court in 2021. But many also want their country to deliver justice for the crimes committed during the civil wars. That’s one reason Liberian President Joseph Boakai is supporting the creation of a War and Economic Crimes Tribunal in the country, to try these war criminals at home. Liberia’s lower legislative chamber, the House of Representatives, approved the creation of the tribunal. Now, reported the Daily Observer, a Liberian newspaper, the Senate is debating the measure. Some senators feared a tribunal would inflame tensions, reopen old wounds, and undercut the amnesty law that allowed the fighting to cease and the country to move on. “Any attempt to undo that legal instrument that is the basis for our peace … is a means to enthrone instability,” said Senator Prince Johnson, a former rebel commander who fought alongside – but later against –Taylor, according to Reuters. Still, activists and members of civil society groups such as Dempster Brown, the head of Liberia’s Independent National Human Rights Commission, say they want more accountability for crimes committed during the conflicts: “We think that it is overdue.” Writing in an Al Jazeera op-ed, Liberian writers Dounard Bondo and Leshan Kroma argued that the tribunal was the only way Liberia could flourish. “If Liberia is to truly leave war behind, heal its wounds, and start building itself a prosperous future, the new president has to succeed in delivering that message of ‘peace and reconciliation,’” they wrote. “The strongest such message would be the establishment of a special tribunal for war crimes that would finally bring justice back home to Liberia.”

An Elephantine Dispute

An Elephantine Dispute BOTSWANA The president of Botswana threatened to send 20,000 elephants to Germany if the European country insisted on curbing imports of hunting trophies, as tensions mount over a dispute over nature conservation and the interests of the African nation, the BBC reported. German Environment Minister Steffi Lemke from the Green party said earlier this year that strict limits should be imposed on hunting trophies imports, which make up a significant part of southern African nations’ incomes. But that suggestion angered Botswana. “It’s very easy to sit in Berlin and have an opinion on our own business in Botswana,” the country’s president, Mokgweetsi Masisi, told Germany’s Bild. He explained that conservation efforts had led to an exponential increase in the elephant population and that hunting was necessary to control it. A ban on trophy imports would impoverish his people, he added. In the interview published on Tuesday, Masisi made the “dead serious” offer to ship the pachyderms to force Germans to “live together with the animals, in the way you are trying to tell us to.” He emphasized that he wouldn’t take no for an answer. Over 130,000 elephants – a third of the species worldwide – live in Botswana. The number increases by 6,000 each year. The situation has grown out of hand for Botswanans, the news outlet said. “In some areas, there are more of these beasts than people. They are killing children who get in their path. They trample and eat farmers’ crops leaving Africans hungry,” said Wildlife Minister Dumezweni Mthimkhulu. Since 2019, the country has imposed quotas on trophy-hunting and officials said the practice is monitored through the issuing of licenses, which allow rich Westerners to shoot an animal and bring home its head or skin – in exchange for a few thousand dollars. Germany is the largest importer of these trophies in the European Union. Countries like Botswana and Namibia have argued the money is used for conservation measures and to support local communities. But animal rights groups have described the practice as cruel, calling for its prohibition. Berlin denied being informed of Masisi’s elephantine gift and insisted on ensuring the sustainability of the trophy hunting trade. Share this story

Why Weren't Ancient African Cities Built Along The Coast?

Profile photo for Jerry Kofi Adonu Jerry Kofi Adonu · Follow I love history, culture, geography and languages.Feb 26 Why did ancient African empires not build their cities by the coast? Is there any record of a great African coastal city? Why did ancient African empires not build their cities by the coast? Is there any record of a great African coastal city? The main reason why ancient African cities where not usually located on the coast has to do with the fact that cities has this weird tendency of thriving where certain conditions combined are available. Also cities, all over the world, had developed along trade routes and Africa is no exception. And as trade routes too have their weird tendencies (in this case the weird tendency is to link two points in a geographical area), cities developed along trade routes… Where sea trade is a thing (think about the Swahili City States) you will find important cities along the coast. Anyway if you want to learn about an historical African city built on the coast I'll pick the impressive city of Kilwa-Kiswaini and Songo Mnara a UNESCO Heritage Site: Outstanding Universal Value Brief synthesis Located on two islands close to each other just off the Tanzanian coast about 300km south of Dar es Salaam are the remains of two port cites, Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara. The larger, Kilwa Kisiwani, was occupied from the 9th to the 19th century and reached its peak of prosperity in the13th and 14th centuries. In 1331-1332, the great traveler, Ibn Battouta made a stop here and described Kilwa as one of the most beautiful cities of the world. Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara were Swahili trading cities and their prosperity was based on control of Indian Ocean trade with Arabia, India and China, particularly between the 13th and 16th centuries, when gold and ivory from the hinterland was traded for silver, carnelians, perfumes, Persian faience and Chinese porcelain. Kilwa Kisiwani minted its own currency in the 11th to 14th centuries. In the 16th century, the Portuguese established a fort on Kilwa Kisiwani and the decline of the two islands began. The remains of Kilwa Kisiwani cover much of the island with many parts of the city still unexcavated. The substantial standing ruins, built of coral and lime mortar, include the Great Mosque constructed in the 11th century and considerably enlarged in the 13th century, and roofed entirely with domes and vaults, some decorated with embedded Chinese porcelain; the palace Husuni Kubwa built between c1310 and 1333 with its large octagonal bathing pool; Husuni Ndogo, numerous mosques, the Gereza (prison) constructed on the ruins of the Portuguese fort and an entire urban complex with houses, public squares, burial grounds, etc. The ruins of Songo Mnara, at the northern end of the island, consist of the remains of five mosques, a palace complex, and some thirty-three domestic dwellings constructed of coral stones and wood within enclosing walls. The islands of Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara bear exceptional testimony to the expansion of Swahili coastal culture, the lslamisation of East Africa and the extraordinarily extensive and prosperous Indian Ocean trade from the medieval period up to the modern era. Ruins of Kilwa Kisiwani and Ruins of Songo Mnara The remains of two great East African ports admired by early European explorers are situated on two small islands near the coast. From the 13th to the 16th century, the merchants of Kilwa dealt in gold, silver, ... https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/144/#:~:text=The%20islands%20of%20Kilwa%20Kisiwani,up%20to%20the%20modern%20era. . …and let's don't forget that Kilwa-Kiswaini and Songo Mnara were not just an exception to the rule, other cities, today associated with tourism, like Mombasa, Malindi, Zanzibar and Sofala among others shared the same peculiarities and were engaged in the same profitable Indian Ocean Trade Networks. So if there is any reason for which there are (if it's even the case as this aspect is not at all unique to the African Continent) a lower figure of important historical African cities located on the coast this has to do with profitability of sea trade, and the only really profitable sea trade was the Indian Ocean one, at least until the Europeans managed to create another one on the Atlantic Ocean… 261K views View 1,039 upvotes View 20 sharesAnswer requested by Kizito Okokhere 1 of 19 answers

Senegal Has A New President

Senegalese opposition politician Bassirou Diomaye Faye was sworn in Tuesday as Senegal’s youngest-ever president, promising radical reform and stability after an uptick of unrest in the West African nation long held up as a democratic model for the region, Agence France-Presse reported. Faye, a 44-year-old, left-wing pan-Africanist, won more than 54 percent of the vote in last month’s presidential election, just 10 days after being released from prison. In his inaugural address, Faye – who has never held elected office before – pledged to defend national sovereignty and achieve African unity, emphasizing systemic change and a peaceful, democratic Senegal. He was among a group of opposition politicians released from prison just days before the March 24 presidential ballot, following an amnesty declared by former President Macky Sall, who had initially attempted to postpone the election. Faye’s campaign resonated with voters seeking change amid political turmoil and economic challenges. He vowed to prioritize national reconciliation, address the cost of living crisis, and combat corruption. He has also pledged to restore sovereignty over key sectors like oil, gas, and fishing, and invest in agriculture to achieve self-sufficiency in food. He wants to leave the regional CFA currency union, calling it a legacy of French colonialism. Internationally, the young leader seeks to re-engage with the military juntas of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger to bring them back as members to the regional Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The three left after ECOWAS pressured the countries’ leaders to restore democracy. Despite a decisive victory, analysts say that Faye will face serious challenges. Currently, he lacks a majority in parliament to pass laws and faces the daunting task of creating jobs in a youthful nation where unemployment is officially running at 20 percent.

Female Genital Mutilation In Gambia

A Cut of Control GAMBIA The Gambia banned female genital mutilation in 2015 because officials said the tradition of partially removing girls’ genitalia violated human rights. It didn’t, however, enforce it until last year. That’s when the trouble began. Now, lawmakers in the tiny West African country, under pressure from influential imams, are considering reversing the ban to “uphold religious loyalty and safeguard cultural norms and values,” reported Semafor. If the new measure passes, it would be the first country to do such a reversal, undoing decades of work to end the centuries-old ritual tied up in ideas of sexual purity, obedience and control, the New York Times explained. The change is connected to the end of President Yahya Jammeh’s 22-year rule in 2017. Jammeh, an autocrat who frequently jailed and tortured his political opponents, supported female genital mutilation, saying opponents of the practice were “enemies of Islam.” But Jammeh reversed himself in 2015 – potentially because of his more progressively minded Moroccan wife. Female genital mutilation is common in The Gambia. Seventy-three percent of women between the ages of 15 to 49 in the country have been subjected to the procedure, a statistic that has remained level for three decades, noted Agence France-Presse. Around 144 million girls in Africa have been cut, usually at the urging of their families, who believe the practice is necessary in order for the girls to be acceptable for marriage, according to the United Nations. The UN noted that as of 2024, 230 million girls worldwide have been subjected to the practice, a 15 percent increase compared with 2016. Girls who have been cut frequently experience bleeding, infection, psychological trauma, sexual dysfunction, complicated childbirths and, in extreme cases, death, reported Reuters, citing the World Health Organization. This increase reflects growing populations in countries where female genital mutilation is common, wrote Le Monde, as well as rising poverty since the pandemic and a corresponding decrease in educational opportunities for girls. In some countries, meanwhile, the percentages of females undergoing the procedure have been decreasing due to efforts by national and international organizations to educate on the practice’s negative effects. Speaking to Al Jazeera, Gambian National Assembly member Lamin Ceesay, who represents a constituency where female genital mutilation is common, casts doubt on those negative side effects. Other proponents of the practice – mostly imans and the nearly all-male parliament – framed the ban reversal as giving Gambian women a choice between traditional and modern lifestyles, added the Nation, a Kenyan newspaper. Critics of female genital mutilation would say that many girls undergo it when they are as young as five years old, too young to make such a decision. Jammeh’s successor, President Adama Barrow, has avoided discussing the issue in public, as has the minister in charge of women and families. Many Gambians worry that the ban reversal heralds the beginning of a broader rollback of women’s rights. As a result, they are girding for political action. “If this law gets repealed, we know they’re coming for more,” anti-female genital mutilation activist Fatou Baldeh told the Council on Foreign Relations. “So we will fight it to the end.” As she notes, their lives might depend on it.

Zuma Cannot Run For President In South Africa

Moving On SOUTH AFRICA South Africa’s election authorities this week disqualified former President Jacob Zuma from running in the upcoming May election, intensifying political tensions ahead of what analysts predict could be the nation’s most competitive electoral contest since the end of apartheid 30 years ago, Al Jazeera reported. Zuma, 81, a key figure in South Africa’s history, served as president from 2009 to 2018, rising from his anti-apartheid activism alongside Nelson Mandela. However, his presidency was marred by allegations of corruption, leading to his forced resignation in 2018 under pressure from the African National Congress (ANC). On Thursday, the Electoral Commission barred Zuma from running because of a 2021 conviction in which a court sentenced him to 15 months in prison for defying an order to appear before a judicial commission investigating corruption allegations during his term in office. He was granted medical parole after two months and allowed to serve the rest of the sentence under house arrest. However, South Africa’s constitution blocks people convicted and sentenced to more than 12 months in prison from holding office, according to the Associated Press. The ban comes as South Africa prepares to hold general elections on May 29, a race that comes as the ANC – which has ruled South Africa since 1994 – is grappling with diminishing support, accusations of corruption and economic stagnation. Despite his fall from grace within the ANC, Zuma’s influence remains strong in South Africa’s most populous provinces, including his home province of KwaZulu-Natal. Last year, he threw his support behind the newly-formed uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MK) – named after the ANC’s former military wing that was co-founded by Mandela. Analysts said the MK Party’s emergence as a contender challenging the ANC’s decades-long dominance has injected new dynamics into South African politics. Last week, electoral authorities rejected an ANC petition to prevent the MK Party’s participation in the May vote. Meanwhile, polls showed that a majority of voters in KwaZulu-Natal would vote for the MK Party. Other surveys predicted that the MK Party could gain 11 percent of the national vote while the ANC would see its share fall below 50 percent for the first time in 30 years. While Zuma’s exclusion could dampen the MK Party’s momentum, it also risks galvanizing the former leader’s loyal supporters, portraying him as a victim of political persecution.

The Richest Person In Human History

Mansa Musa is widely considered the richest person in history. HOME WORLD HISTORY FACTS Copy Share to email Twitter Share to Facebook EMPEROR OF MALI EMPIRE Move over, modern-day billionaires — the wealthiest person of all time lived seven centuries ago. Musa I of Mali was a 14th-century king (called a “mansa”) who came into power in 1312 CE. He greatly expanded the Mali Empire, culminating in a large swath of West Africa, from the Atlantic Ocean to Timbuktu and beyond. The empire had significant reserves of salt and gold (nearly half of the world’s supply of gold at the time), and it became incredibly wealthy. Mansa Musa also controlled some of the biggest trade centers in Africa, establishing Timbuktu as a major hub. Some sources speculate that Musa’s wealth was equivalent to roughly $400 billion today — by comparison, the wealthiest modern billionaires have net worths of around $200 billion. Though an exact figure is impossible to calculate, many historians believe Musa to be the wealthiest person in history. Advertisement In 1324, the Muslim ruler decided to make a pilgrimage to Mecca. He traversed the Sahara Desert with tens of thousands of followers dressed in Persian silk (including soldiers, enslaved people, merchants, and the entire royal court). Adding to the spectacle, 100 camels carrying hundreds of pounds of gold were also in tow. The caravan reportedly spent three months in Cairo, Egypt, where Musa handed out gold as if it were candy. In fact, Musa’s trek through the Middle East caused the price of gold to plummet in Egypt due to the sheer amount of treasure he brought into the region. Although Musa died sometime in the 1330s, his legacy continued. He made Mali a well-known empire, and it was added to the Catalan Atlas (one of the most popular medieval maps) for the first time in 1375. On the map, a golden-crowned Musa is depicted holding a scepter and a gold nugget.

Tunisia Has A Migrant Problem and a Democracy At Risk

Last Stop Before Paradise TUNISIA Sixteen-year-old Adam migrated with his father and younger brother from Sierra Leone in West Africa to Tunisia on the Mediterranean coast two years ago. Today, after their father was arrested in Algeria, the two brothers live on the street in Al Amra, a coastal city in eastern Tunisia. Adam, whose name was changed in the Guardian, and his brother are two of at least 1,500 migrant children living in Tunisia, a major disembarkation point for Middle Eastern, African, and South Asian migrants seeking safety and economic opportunities in Europe. Many of these migrants die when the rickety, overburdened boats carrying them sink in the Mediterranean, as Le Monde noted. The migrant crisis in Tunisia is one of the many destabilizing factors now rocking the country, which was, until recently, one of the few functioning democracies in the region following the Arab Spring, when Tunisians ousted dictator President Ben Ali in 2011 after 23 years in office. Instead, protests are breaking out, such as one earlier this month in the capital Tunis protesting deteriorating living conditions under President Kais Saied. Detailing those conditions is a recent French broadcaster’s investigation called, “Between Poverty and Dictatorship, The Grand Step Backwards”. The one-hour documentary highlights how Saied has allegedly undermined human rights, promoted racism and violence toward sub-Saharan migrants, and mismanaged the economy since he won office in 2019, the New Arab reported. Tunisian Prime Minister Ahmed Hachani lambasted the film as a hit job produced by the country’s enemies. Human rights groups like Amnesty International, however, have echoed the film’s accusations, such as Saied’s racist and xenophobic comments last month that prompted a series of attacks on Black individuals as well as summary arrests of foreign sub-Saharan nationals. Saied has also had arrested political dissidents, opposition leaders and others who criticize or challenge his rule, which many in Tunisia and internationally view as a de facto coup d’état, added World Politics Review. Regardless, the leader’s crackdown on civil society and focus on migrants are designed to draw attention away from the inflation, food shortages, and the government’s debt challenges, say analysts. Saied has called on the Central Bank of Tunisia to help plug the country’s deficits and the need for additional debt, but critics suggest the move will further harm the economy, wrote Al Jazeera. Foreign investors certainly will think twice before lending Tunisia money when the country needs the Central Bank to pay its bills. The move would probably cause the value of Tunisia’s currency, the dinar, to drop like a stone. In 2022, the International Monetary Fund loaned the country $2 billion, Agence France-Presse wrote. Yet, at present, the Tunisian economy is barely growing and the rate of unemployment is one of the highest in the region. Meanwhile, as the migrants remain stuck in this hostile and impoverished weigh station, protests broke out in the small coastal village of El Hancha near Sfax: The village is missing about three dozen people under the age of 35, Al Jazeera reported, and their families want to know what happened to them. Like thousands of migrants from Africa, in January these young Tunisians boarded a boat to try to make the dangerous route to Europe to win a better life. Their boat was lost. The government has said nothing.

36 Hours In Cape Town

ump to: Recommendations Itinerary Google Map Share full article 86 By John Eligon Photographs by Samantha Reinders John Eligon is the Johannesburg bureau chief for The New York Times. March 21, 2024 As far as beauty goes, Cape Town is nothing short of spectacular: a city built on the Atlantic Ocean, around a mountain, allowing for stunning views in every direction. The elephant in the room, though, is the harsh legacy of apartheid, when South Africa’s white-minority government pushed the Black majority to the fringes of the city. Areas where most visitors tend to go still have a largely white population. To this day, navigating Cape Town as a person of color can bring uncomfortable moments. But South Africa celebrates 30 years of democracy this year and has, for all of its challenges, tried to embrace the mantra of the “rainbow nation” — a place of racial and ethnic diversity. In that spirit, Cape Town is shedding its Eurocentric identity and emerging as a culturally rich African hub. Recommendations Key stops Chapman’s Peak Drive, one of the world’s most beautiful drives, is a 5.5-mile sojourn along a rocky coastline set against the turquoise ocean and mountain views. See Langa, one of South Africa’s oldest townships, with a walking tour led by the artist and guide Tozamile Mnapu. The African Food and Storytelling Tour, led by the food writer and activist Dennis Molewa, gets you away from the chichi European restaurants and takes you to casual African eateries that will leave your belly full and spices lingering on your tongue. Selective Live provides an intimate setting, with a mountain view, to watch music performances from an array of genres that include Afro jazz, African folk and hip-hop. Museums and attractions Restaurants and bars Where to stay Getting around It’s easiest to use a car in Cape Town. Taking Uber won’t break the bank, though it will cost you a little more to go out to wine country, about 45 minutes outside the city center. Bolt is another ride-hailing app that is widely used and reliable. Itinerary Friday A close-up view of a colorful mural spray-painted onto a brick wall. A mural by Tozamile Mnapu in Langa 3 p.m. Take an art tour through a township The apartheid government prohibited Black and colored (a multiracial ethnic classification) South Africans from living in cities, instead forcing them to live in established townships in the least desirable areas. But township residents often turned their communities into areas of vibrant resistance and robust arts and culture. Langa, about 30 minutes outside central Cape Town, is one of the nation’s oldest townships. Tozamile Mnapu, a local painter, offers three-hour tours into the community (450 rand, or $24, per person). Starting from iKhaya le Langa, a community center where he also hosts art workshops, Mr. Mnapu takes visitors past street graffiti to a small art gallery above a narrow home, and another one near a gritty town center with a large monument to the resistance that residents put up against the apartheid police. Book directly with him at tozart.langa@gmail.com or at +27 73 073 3529. People sit at a long wooden table inside a dining hall. There are different restaurant vendors — one sign reads "Ramenhead," another reads "Sushiya." 7 p.m. Enjoy local cuisine at a waterfront food market Time Out Market, the chain of upmarket food halls in several major world cities, opened its first location in Africa last year in an airy, industrial space on the main waterfront promenade. Stop by Mlilo to try the chef Vusi Ndlovu’s global twists on a traditional “shisanyama,” or South African barbecue. Order the Senegalese lamb (180 rand) or grilled hake with Ghanaian dressing (250 rand). Just across the hall, at Barakat, the wife-and-husband team of Yolani Abrahams and Anwar Abdullatief offers takes on Cape Malay cooking, a cuisine born in the kitchens of Southeast Asians often enslaved by South Africa’s colonizers. You can’t go wrong with the pan-fried kingklip fish (195 rand) or bobotie, a casserole of sweet, curried minced beef topped with egg custard (80 rand). Have a koesister (10 rand), like a doughnut ball, for dessert. A band performs in a small carpeted area of a room that is lit with a pink hue. The performers play the saxophone, guitar, keyboard and drums. Selective Live 9 p.m. Tune into the South African sound You can stick around at Time Out Market (cocktail specials begin at 4 p.m.), where you can dance to tunes spun by a D.J. until 10 p.m. Or catch a short Uber ride to Selective Live, an intimate performance space and recording studio in the Gardens neighborhood near the city center. Some nights the live music could be African folk, others it could be hip-hop, and still others it could be Afro jazz. Settle into this second-floor space that feels more like someone’s living room — rather than on a stage, artists perform in a nook with a fireplace and a bookshelf. Then step out onto the balcony for fresh air and — what else? — a picturesque mountain view. Tickets start at 60 rand. A person is suspended in the air while kite surfing. The sky behind them is orange and the sun is low. The powerful southeasterly winds make Dolphin Beach, in the Blouberg area, one of the world’s most legendary kite-surfing spots. Saturday A view looking up at a mountain peak on a clear blue day. A signpost reads "Bailey's Kloof." 7 a.m. Hike up a mountain Trails are aplenty in this mountainous city. The most famous peaks are Table Mountain and Lion’s Head, and indeed trekking up them can provide plenty of exercise and adventure. But to avoid the crowds and get uninterrupted coastal views try Bailey’s Kloof, another scenic trail that starts along the coast about 30 minutes outside downtown. The first half hour or so is steep and moderately intense. But once you make it past that, it’s a delightful roughly two-hour loop through thick vegetation, including colorful irises, mimetes and cape snow flowers. There are detours for a pond, a cave and a rock formation. Stop and take in the delicious ocean views. Before you go, download an offline version of the area in Google Maps (in case cell service is unavailable) to help you navigate as parts of the trail are not well marked. 10 a.m. See art in a grain silo, then visit a ceramics studio Cape Town hosts several art fairs annually, but even if you can’t make it to one, there are lots of opportunities to see great art. One obvious stop is the Zeitz Museum of Contemporary Art Africa (entry, 250 rand), the largest contemporary African art museum on the continent. Housed in a former grain silo on the waterfront, Zeitz includes an exhibition that offers commentary on African liberation movements and their connection to the Palestinian struggle, as well as photography and film works that explore connections to the spiritual world. For something more intimate, head to the Salt River neighborhood and visit Imiso Ceramics, a studio and gallery that features large-scale sculptures by the founders Zizipho Poswa and Andile Dyalvane. Their works are inspired by their Xhosa heritage, which they share with arguably South Africa’s most famous person, Nelson Mandela. Three people sit on couches facing a low table. On the table is a shallow basket holding curries and rolled injera bread. 11:30 a.m. Fill up your plate Cape Town’s dining scene may best be known for high-end restaurants. But there are also plenty of casual eateries serving classical African dishes. Dennis Molewa, who is from Germany but has lived in South Africa for 15 years, offers three-hour-long African food tours (starting at about 1,400 rand per person) through downtown that include interesting stories about the city’s history and culture. He takes you to a Somali restaurant for chapati, spaghetti and beef stew, but also a blunt conversation about anti-immigrant sentiment in South Africa. At Nobantu Restaurant you’ll enjoy a traditional hearty Xhosa Sunday lunch, or what locals call a seven-colors meal (named for the array of colors on the plate). You’ll also meet flower vendors descended from enslaved Cape Malay people, sip tea in a Methodist church and indulge in stewed meats at Fatima’s, a pan-African restaurant owned by a couple from Mali. A blue car — blurred in the photograph — makes its way along a road that curves on a cliff. The ocean is visible beyond the road. 3 p.m. Take one of the most scenic drives in the world Chapman’s Peak Drive runs five and a half miles along the winding Atlantic seaboard from Hout Bay to Noordhoek, and it is often heralded as one of the most beautiful drives on the planet. That’s hard to dispute. It’s a mix of rocky coastline and green water as far as the eyes can see. Get entranced by the ocean and mountain backdrops, but be careful not to get blown away by the stiff winds when you step out to take pictures at one of the many viewpoints. At the end of the route, stop at Noordhoek beach and take a walk. It is a vast, flat plain of sand, and almost feels as if you’re in a desert on the ocean. (Note that the road has tolls, starting at 61 rand.) 6 p.m. Unwind with a comforting meal Kloof Street was once a dirt road leading from the city center to outlying farms. Today, it’s an eclectic and busy mix of clothing boutiques, art galleries, restaurants and nightlife. For dinner and drinks, you can’t go wrong with Therapy, a sophisticated space that opened last year with sleek, plush banquettes and marble tabletops. It was founded by two D.J.s, Loyiso Mdebuka and Vincent Mvelase Manzini, who are from Cape Town and were raised in the Black township of Khayelitsha. As young Black creatives, they wanted to create a hip vibe and a therapeutic experience, challenging what they saw as an African taboo against therapy. The menu delivers a range of transformed comfort food, like lamb ribs with couscous salad and harissa mayo. Three courses without drinks, about 550 rand per person. A person dances on a stage that is illuminated with a dim, blue light. 8 p.m. See emerging performers in an old church Housed in an old Methodist church a short drive from downtown, Theater Arts is an intimate venue to see a play. Shows tackle a variety of themes, from South Africa’s regular, frustrating power outages to the efforts of young people trying to achieve success, told through a comical tale of life in Lagos, Nigeria. Built on what it says are “the tenets of affordability, inclusivity and accessibility,” the theater company provides space for emerging artists from various cultural, social, economic and skill backgrounds to develop their craft onstage. Tickets start at 150 rand. Waves crash against rocks on a beach. On the far shore, there are buildings and a mountainous landscape behind. The Twelve Apostles mountain range, visible from Camps Bay, forms the back of Table Mountain. Sunday 9 a.m. Learn about South Africa’s history The Castle of Good Hope was built as a fort starting in 1666 by the colonists of the Dutch East India Company. It now stands as the oldest colonial building in South Africa. It served many purposes over the years, including a military base, a slave port and a government headquarters. Today, the castle houses nine mini-museums that tell the story of the diverse people who shaped the Cape and the nation. The Cape Heritage Museum was created by Igshaan Higgins, a human rights lawyer, during the pandemic. With artifacts that Mr. Higgins assembled over 25 years, the museum tells the stories of settler colonialism and the various groups who struggled through that oppression, including the Indigenous Khoi and San people, the Cape Muslims and the Xhosas. The castle also houses the William Fehr Collection, an assemblage of oil paintings and decorative art created by settlers that reflects on themes including slavery and the wars of dispossession. 10:30 a.m. Travel beneath the surface Tune out the noise with a subterranean journey. At Earthbox, which opened last year as an immersive art exhibit on the Lourensford Wine Estate in the suburb of Somerset West, visitors walk into a bunker of sorts carved into the ground. The high walls of dirt, changing mood lighting and lulling soundtrack provide a perfect opportunity to relax, meditate or just let your mind go. Tickets range from 170 rand to 250 rand. For an additional 50 rand, you can purchase an audio guide — there’s one for meditation, and another that teaches about the ancient rocks and sediment surrounding you. Earthbox hosts regular music concerts and private dinners with local high-end chefs. After your visit, you can roam the wine estate, which includes restaurants, a wine tasting room and a market with live music, food stalls, and arts and crafts vendors. A close-up of fried dumplings, garnished with orange and green oils and herbs, on a rectangular white plate. Reuben’s Restaurant and Bar 12 p.m. Lunch in wine country Lose yourself in the serenity of wine country at Hari Kitchen, on the Topiary Wine Estate, with one of the best meals in the Franschhoek Valley. The chef and owner Munashe Kwaramba did not attend culinary school, but learned his style of Afro-fusion cooking by observing high-end chefs and by cooking with his grandmother in Zimbabwe. Another option just down the road is Klein Goederust, the first fully Black-owned winery in Franschhoek. On weekends, you can pair a wine tasting with a Cape Malay buffet (495 rand per person) where spit-roasted lamb is a highlight. Or on Franschhoek’s quaint main street, pop into Reuben’s Restaurant and Bar, where the chef and owner Reuben Riffel serves refined dishes like dukkah-spiced lamb and pickled fish inspired by the culinary traditions of colored families like his own. READ 86 COMMENTS

Sengegal Could Return to Democracy and a Sane Government

Defying the Odds SENEGAL An anti-establishment candidate is predicted to win Senegal’s long-awaited presidential election on Monday, signaling potential radical change in one of coup-prone West Africa’s more stable democracies, the Guardian reported. Early returns showed opposition candidate Bassirou Diomaye Faye far ahead of other candidates in Sunday’s vote. While other candidates conceded defeat, Amadou Ba of the ruling party has already asked for a runoff vote. In Senegal’s two-round system, a runoff is held if no candidate wins an absolute majority in the initial race. Final results are expected later this week. Faye’s victory would imply radical change for Senegal, said analysts. He has promised voters he would address systemic issues facing the country, including its relationship with its former colonial power, France. His pledges include abandoning the CFA Franc, a single currency used in eight West African countries. Critics have described the CFA Franc, which is pegged to the euro, as a legacy of French colonialism – CFA initially was an acronym for French Colonies in Africa, but now means “Financial Community in Africa.” Faye also pledged to renegotiate mining, gas, and oil contracts with foreign companies ahead of hydrocarbon production starting later this year. Senegalese expect this to boost their economy after years of stagnation. The early returns also mirrored popular frustration with the administration of incumbent President Macky Sall, who backed Ba in the election. He faced criticism for failing to address economic woes, such as unemployment and widespread poverty, and harassing the country’s political opposition. Sall’s decision to cancel the presidential election in February heightened political instability, triggering a wave of deadly protests before the government and the top court agreed on the new election date of March 24. Numerous political opponents were jailed in the months leading up to the vote. Faye himself was only released a few days ago and ran on behalf of Ousmane Sonko, an opposition figure disqualified from the race by the courts at the government’s prompting. Sonko enjoys massive support from Senegal’s youth. More than half of Senegalese are under 25. Senegal has long been held as a model for the region. But more recently, concerns arose about democratic backsliding in the country, which is surrounded by neighbors now ruled by military juntas following coups.

Guinea Has An Iron Junta

Iron Junta GUINEA The leader of the junta that runs Guinea, Gen. Mamadi Doumbouya, recently sacked the head of the state electricity company and his deputies. Doumbouya, who read the announcement on national television, made the decision after power cuts triggered deadly protests in the West African country, reported Bloomberg. An eight-year old and 14-year-old died in the protests, added Agence France-Presse, noting that, while Guinea is blessed with mineral and natural resources, it suffers from energy shortages. Doumbouya’s dictatorial rule hasn’t helped, either. Last month, security officers killed two other young people during demonstrations against the government, Al Jazeera wrote. The demonstrations were part of an open-ended general strike that kicked off a week after the junta dissolved the transitional government running the country since July 2022. The government was put in place nine months after Doumbouya had led a coup overthrowing President Alpha Condé, who had clung to power in spite of term limits. People took to the streets to call for the release of human rights activists, government action to reduce food prices, and the ceasing of media censorship. The junta never gave a reason for dissolving the government. Doumbouya had appointed the country’s previous former prime minister, Bernard Goumou, noted the BBC. It’s possible that the general could no longer tolerate power struggles within the government, suggested Africa Report. Justice Minister Alphonse Charles Wright, for instance, was calling for prosecutions against corrupt public officials, according to Agence de Presse Africaine. The new prime minister whom Doumbouya appointed, Ahmadou Oury Bah, has a reputation as a skillful executive who can reconcile the county’s disparate factions, wrote World Politics Review. He’s appointed a diverse cabinet that includes junta leaders, seven women, and a human rights activist to oversee elections. The cabinet also includes a new mining minister, Bouna Sylla, reported Reuters. Sylla will be charged with making sure the junta and the country in general receive the revenues they need to improve Guinea’s economy. The recent protests have impacted mining, a crucial source of foreign capital in the country, added Mining Magazine. Guinea has important opportunities that Doumbouya could help the country to exploit. Australian-British mining giant Rio Tinto, for example, recently announced that the company’s board had approved a $20 billion project that will include the biggest iron ore mine in the world in Simandou, southern Guinea, as well as a nearly 350-mile-long rail line and a new port, reported the Financial Times. Seven other companies, including five Chinese firms, are partners in the massive mine project. Chinese demand for metals from the mine for infrastructure, especially electric vehicles and charging stations, will likely remain strong for years. Unfortunately, added the Financial Times, that likely won’t bring ordinary Guineans more liberty or prosperity.

Rwanda-Justice Delayed

Absent Justice NETHERLANDS The International Criminal Court (ICC) will hold its first in absentia hearing when it tries infamous Ugandan rebel leader Joseph Kony later this year, nearly 20 years after seeking his arrest, the Associated Press reported. The Netherlands-based tribunal announced this month prosecutors will present evidence to support war crime and crimes against humanity charges against Kony, the alleged leader of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) that operated in Uganda and neighboring nations decades ago. Kony faces 12 counts of crimes against humanity, including murder and rape, as well as 21 counts of war crimes, including cruel treatment of civilians and drafting child soldiers. The Oct. 15 hearing is not a trial, but will allow ICC prosecutors to outline their case in court. A defense lawyer will represent Kony. If he gets captured after the hearing, he will face trial at the court based in the Hague. Kony remains at large, even after he gained international notoriety in 2012 when a video about his alleged crimes went viral. The LRA began its attacks in Uganda in the 1980s when Kony sought to oust the country’s government. The rebel group was later pushed out of Uganda, but its fighters terrorized villages in Congo, Central African Republic and South Sudan. It was known for using child soldiers, mutilating civilians and enslaving women. Although it still operates and is believed to have up to 2,000 fighters, the LRA has been weakened and fractured, Al Jazeera noted. In 2021, the ICC convicted LRA commander Dominic Ongwen on charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes. Last week, the court awarded reparations of more than $56 million to thousands of Ongwen’s victims. Share this story

South Africa Will Prosecute Its Citizens Participating In The Gaza War In Israel

The Blacklist SOUTH AFRICA The foreign minister of South Africa this week said that citizens of the country taking part in Israel’s war on Gaza will face prosecution when they return home, adding to tensions with Israel after South Africa accused it of genocide at the International Court of Justice, the Associated Press reported. At an event discussing South Africa’s support for Palestine and the petition filed at the United Nations’ Hague-based top court, Foreign Minister Naledi Pandor said she “already issued a statement alerting those who are South African and who are fighting alongside or in the Israeli Defense Force,” or IDF. “We are ready. When you come home, We’re going to arrest you,” she warned. The foreign ministry added that dual citizens of Israel and South Africa arrested for participating in the war could have their South African citizenship revoked. While the number of South Africans participating in Israel’s war effort is unclear, numbers published in other countries, such as France, have sparked discussions over creating similar measures, the Anadolu Agency noted. Meanwhile, Israel has declined to provide the number of foreign soldiers in the IDF’s ranks. Nonetheless, the IDF is currently attempting to determine which nations might follow South Africa’s lead, Israel’s Haaretz reported. It plans to contact soldiers with dual nationality and advise them on visiting their home countries. Citizens of Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia are already banned from flying to these countries for security reasons. South Africa’s latest move has deepened a rift with Israel, following a court case launched by the former against the latter on charges of genocide, ongoing in the Hague. In response, Israel has accused South Africa of being complicit with the Palestinian militant group Hamas, whose attack on Israel on Oct. 7 left more than 1,200 dead and triggered the current war. Pandor rejected claims that her government had a political agenda in its support for Palestinians in the run-up to elections later this year. She said that the relationship between her country and Palestine is one “of freedom fighters, of activists, of nations that share a history. A history of struggle for justice and freedom,” referring to South Africa’s history of racial segregation, known as Apartheid. South Africa has accused Israel of conducting an apartheid against Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Share this story

More Trouble Between The Congo And Rwanda

The Crows Gather DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO Rwanda’s incursion into the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has sparked violence, massive displacement and concerns about the possibility of a new war in one of the poorest, most unstable regions in the world. Irredentist Rwandan leaders claim that colonial mapmakers cleaved off sections of their country and mistakenly gave these territories to the DRC, wrote African Arguments. These claims are partly responsible for the First Congo War of 1996-1998 that kicked off years of suffering and more alterations to the region. Also responsible was the DRC’s bloody history of colonialism and dictatorship, as University of Johannesburg visual art lecturer Ruth Sacks described in the Conversation. Now Rwanda is supporting M23 rebels whom Western leaders claim would grant Rwanda access to the DRC’s vast mineral resources in the lawless eastern regions of the country, reported Agence France-Presse. The DRC possesses an estimated $24 trillion of raw minerals like cobalt and lithium, which are crucial for electric batteries and other green energy technologies, added Crux. Rwanda has a history of economic-based disputes with another neighbor, Burundi, noted World Politics Review. A coalition of forces from the DRC, as well as Burundi, Malawi, South Africa, and Tanzania, has been fighting the M23 rebels in the eastern DRC, Xinhua explained. The DRC has also allegedly hired American, Romanian, and other mercenaries to fight its battles against the M23 rebels and other threats, according to the New Times, a Rwandan news outlet. The rebels most recently have been vying for control of Goma, a provincial capital, near the Rwandan border. Thousands have fled the region as the fighting has grown more intense and the number of casualties has risen in what the Red Cross called an “extremely worrying” and “unprecedented” situation. “We’re scared of dying of hunger,” Sandrine, a 32-year-old mother of eight, told the Norwegian Refugee Council after she fled her village near Sake, a town around 15 miles from Goma. “We also hear gunfire every day. We don’t have anything to eat and the food in the markets is too expensive to buy. We have nowhere to sleep – we had to leave everything behind, including our mattresses.” The suffering has also angered many Congolese who feel as if their country is under attack. In the capital of Kinshasa, demonstrators have taken to the streets, burning flags and protesting outside embassies, to criticize the West for not deterring Rwanda from stirring up a rebellion, the BBC wrote. They say that Rwanda has been the West’s darling, allowing the US and Europe to ignore its actions. Meanwhile, Western critics have also blasted major American and European governments and corporations for not ensuring that high-tech and other supply chains respect the human rights of workers in the DRC and elsewhere, said Vogue magazine. But, it added, everyone – the Russians, the Chinese, Europe and the US – is happy to look away from the misery, as long as the mining goes on.

Zimbabwe Hit with US Sanctions

Shunned ZIMBABWE The US government this week imposed sanctions against Zimbabwe’s newly reelected president, his vice president and other senior officials, based on their alleged involvement in corruption and human rights abuses in the southern African country, Al Jazeera reported. On Monday, the US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control announced a series of sanctions targeting three companies and 11 people, including President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Vice President Constantino Chiwenga, aimed at “Mnangagwa’s criminal network of government officials and businesspeople.” Mnangagwa and his officials are accused of protecting gold and diamond smugglers operating in Zimbabwe, taking bribes and aiding smugglers in the sale of those precious resources on illegal markets. Gold is the country’s biggest export. The government is also suspected of committing various human rights abuses, including abductions, physical abuse and unlawful killings, according to US Secretary of State Antony Blinken. The new measures follow a review by the US Treasury of a previous sanctions program that had been in place since 2003. Those sanctions were imposed after the appropriation of land from white farmers by Mnangagwa’s predecessor, Robert Mugabe. Only those on Monday’s list will be sanctioned. Following the US move, Zimbabwean government spokesperson Nick Mangwana welcomed the removal of the 2003 sanctions, calling them “a great vindication” of Mnangagwa’s foreign policy. However, he described the new measures as “illegal,” adding that as long as the president and others are under sanctions, “we are all under sanctions.” Still, Zimbabwe’s neighbor, Zambia, also welcomed the lifting of the 2003 sanctions, with President Hakainde Hichilema describing the decision as “further evidence that (President Joe) Biden listens to his African partners.”

A Tiny African Country WIth A Most Strategic Location

Location, Location DJIBOUTI An Iranian ship named the Behshad was docked off Djibouti near a Chinese military base for weeks, allegedly transmitting commercial shipping information to the Houthis, a Yemeni militant group that has been attacking ships in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. The Behshad received at least four shipments of supplies, according to TradeWinds, a news outlet that covers global shipping. Despite the small Horn of Africa nation’s tolerance of the Behshad, however, Djibouti still isn’t immune to the chaos that the Houthis are sowing to assert their influence in the region, especially as the West continues to support Israel’s war against Hamas, another Iran-backed group, in the Gaza Strip, regardless of the toll on civilians. The Iranian-supported Houthis, for example, have cut undersea telecommunications cables that run between Djibouti and Saudi Arabia, added i24 News, citing Israeli media reports. These lines connected Europe, Africa, and India. Ships struck by Houthi missiles have leaked their toxic cargoes into the region’s water, too, added Agence France-Press. American and British forces have conducted strikes to dissuade the Houthis from continuing their piracy and aggression, but those efforts have yet to yield success. Djibouti, a Muslim-majority nation, appears to have allied with China to help reduce its risk exposure to these problems, however. As the London-based newspaper Asharq Al-Awsat explained, Chinese ships appear to have immunity from Houthi attacks, leading to a boom at Djibouti’s ports as more shippers hire Chinese carriers to move their products through the Red Sea to the Suez Canal and the Mediterranean. Meanwhile, as he navigates these developments at sea, Djiboutian President Ismail Omar Guelleh has become increasingly concerned about events transpiring in Ethiopia, his country’s neighbor to the west and south. Currently, Ethiopian trade passing through Djibouti and vice versa comprises 75 percent of the latter country’s gross domestic product. But, as World Politics Review wrote, Ethiopian leaders are moving ahead with plans to build a new port in Somaliland, an unrecognized independent state that is technically part of Somalia. Ethiopia lost its access to the sea when nearby Eritrea won its independence in 1993. Five years later, after a war with Eritrea ended, Ethiopia moved its export routes to Djibouti. Now, however, Ethiopia plans to gain access to the port of Berbera in Somaliland as well as a 13-mile stretch of coastline where Ethiopia – an otherwise landlocked country – could establish a naval base. Somalian officials have panned the idea, Al Jazeera reported, saying Ethiopia has no right to sign a deal with Somaliland. Somali leaders are warning Ethiopia to not move forward, saying it risks regional harm, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud told Al Jazeera. In what looks like a policy to engage – rather than let events transpire without attempting to influence them – Guelleh has tried to play a mediating role between Ethiopia and Somalia to help them hash out their disagreement. As world leaders tread carefully in this minefield, Djibouti worries about its lost income from the port deal being realized. The country of about one million has few natural resources, an authoritarian leadership and a GDP, of $3 billion annually, equivalent to China’s output every two hours, wrote Brookings. But it does have one key resource that the American and the Chinese militaries, as well as the French, Japanese, Italians, Spanish, Russian, Indians, and Saudi Arabian all covet, and as a result, inspired another great power rivalry: its strategic location that comes with a deep-water port complex. Share this story

Social Unrest In Guinea

Speaking Up GUINEA Deadly clashes erupted in the Guinean capital this week after unions called for an open-ended general strike against the country’s military junta, a rare protest in the West African country after the army seized power in a coup more than two years ago, Al Jazeera reported. A confederation of the main unions urged public and private sector workers to strike for the release of prominent media activist Jamal Pendessa, who was sentenced to six months in prison last week – with three months suspended. Unions also demanded lower food prices and an end to media censorship. The unrest has paralyzed the capital, Conarky, with businesses and schools being shuttered, while hospitals provided reduced services. Skirmishes took place in some of Conarky’s outskirts, where two young men were shot dead. The strike comes a week after the military dissolved the country’s transitional government – first formed in July 2022 – without giving any reason, nor saying when a new one would be installed. The army also ordered the confiscation of government officials’ passports and the freezing of their bank accounts. Protests have become very rare in Guinea since Gen. Mamady Doumbouya led the military to take power in September 2021. A year later, the military government banned all demonstrations, as well as detained a number of opposition leaders, civil society members and journalists.

Zimbabwe-Swimming With Crocodiles

Swimming With Crocodiles ZIMBABWE A Zimbabwean court recently gave opposition leader Job Sikhala a suspended sentence of nine months in prison for making falsehoods on social media. The charges stem from his allegation that a police officer killed a child at a bus stop. Sikhala’s attorney said the southern African country’s top court had found that the law he supposedly violated was unconstitutional, Africa News reported. Amnesty International called the decision a “travesty of justice.” The ruling came less than a month after a court freed Sikhala after almost 600 days in jail on pretrial detention for charges that include inciting public violence in 2022. As France 24 noted, the leader of the opposition Citizens Coalition for Change political party has been arrested dozens of times since he entered politics in 1999 and challenged the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). These developments occurred as ZANU-PF candidates won a two-thirds majority in parliament earlier this month, paving the way for lawmakers to amend Zimbabwean laws to extend President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s term in office – a pattern that has been repeated across Africa as longtime leaders seek to flout term limits, Voice of America reported. Many hoped Mnangagwa would usher in a new era in the country after taking the helm following the ousting of longtime dictator Robert Mugabe in 2017. Instead, after winning reelection last summer, he appears to be continuing the same strongman tactics that Mugabe leveraged successfully to retain power for 37 years. Another opposition leader, for example, Nelson Chamisa, recently quit the Citizens Coalition for Change, saying ZANU-PF operatives had infiltrated the party. Speaking to Al Jazeera, he compared working in the party to a “swim in a river with hungry crocodiles.” “Crocodile” is Mnangagwa’s nickname. “Mugabe’s removal from power gave way to cautious optimism about a new dawn in the country’s post-independence affairs,” wrote World Politics Review. “But more than five years since he was succeeded in office by Mnangagwa, the hope for a more peaceful and prosperous Zimbabwe has all but evaporated.” Meanwhile, the economy hasn’t been faring much better than the political landscape: It has been growing, but inflation has cut into those gains and poverty remains widespread, according to the World Bank. The president and his allies, meanwhile, have pledged that the economy will improve significantly this year due to the recent discovery of oil and gas in the country as well as improvements in the mining and tourism industries, Voice of America reported. But economists were skeptical, and Zimbabweans continued to emigrate elsewhere in search of opportunities.

South African Rugby gets A $1 Billion US Cash Injection

Editor's notebook ADRIAAN BASSON, EDITOR-IN-CHIEF The R1bn SA Rugby equity deal... and an elephant called Jurie Two years ago, I published a column in this space titled "Has Jurie Roux captured SA Rugby?". Roux, the now former CEO of SA Rugby, and his employers weren't thrilled. He took me to the Press Ombudsman and lost because his complaint was filed late. Two years later, the question remains relevant to every rugby fan who holds SA rugby and the Springboks dear. This time, Roux's influence is evident in the latest controversy to hit the governing body of rugby in South Africa – a R1.4-billion private equity deal with the little-known Ackerley Sports Group from Seattle in the United States. A bit of background: in 2015, Stellenbosch University issued a summons against Roux, the former financial director of the university, to repay R37 million he had unlawfully transferred from the university's reserves to Maties rugby club. The money was used to pay the accommodation and fees of Maties players like Peter Grant, Juan de Jongh and Ernst Joubert. Because of his impressive track record at Maties, Roux was appointed CEO of SA Rugby in 2010. On Roux's request, the university agreed to remove the matter from the roll of the Western Cape High Court and from public scrutiny, and initiate a private arbitration chaired by a senior advocate. In December 2020, the arbitration ruled in the SU's favour and ordered Roux to repay the R37 million. Roux appealed. In December 2021, he lost again. The heavyweight appeals panel found some Maties money ended up in Roux's account. But still, Roux wasn't done fighting a legal battle, possibly because he didn't have R37 million in spare cash lying around. So he returned to the Western Cape High Court and asked Judge Vincent Saldanha to set aside the arbitration award in 2023. He lost. And Saldanha ordered Roux to pay back not only the R37 million but also interest and legal costs. By this time, Roux's bill probably stood at around R50 million. He applied for leave to appeal and lost again. His petition to the Supreme Court of Appeal is expected to be ruled on in the next few weeks. Meanwhile, his accomplice in the so-called "Sparries" (savings) scam at Stellenbosch, Chris de Beer, was convicted of fraud by the Bellville Commercial Crimes Court two weeks ago and handed a five-year suspended prison sentence. The National Prosecuting Authority allegedly made a deal with Roux's lawyers to allow the arbitration process to come to fruition before criminal proceedings were instituted. That day is coming closer. Meanwhile, Roux was merrily conducting his business at SA Rugby, a body with the backbone of an amoeba. Year after year, SA Rugby found excuses as to why they could not act against Roux despite the very serious allegations he faced. Then suddenly, at the beginning of last year, SA Rugby president Mark Alexander announced Roux would "amicably" part ways with SA Rugby, but "be contracted to complete the implementation of the mooted equity transaction, as well as the handover to his successor, who will be appointed once the equity negotiations are finalised". Those in rugby administration saw this as a cynical move to remove Roux's name from the SA Rugby letterhead, but he remained working at SARU House in Plattekloof. His package as a consultant remains a state secret, but is rumoured to be more than what he earned as CEO. Different ballgame For the past year, Roux was exclusively negotiating with CVC, a private equity firm based in Luxembourg, London and New York, to buy a stake in a new company in which SA Rugby would be the majority shareholder. The argument is that such a transaction will inject much-needed cash into SA Rugby and help establish the Springboks as a global brand. But suddenly, at the end of last year, Roux, Alexander and acting SA Rugby CEO Rian Oberholzer (the late Louis Luyt's son-in-law) announced to the provincial unions they were now concluding a deal with Ackerley Sports Group from Seattle, which owns stakes in American sports teams and Leeds United, that plays in the English first division. If CVC is a Porsche, Ackerley is a Kia Picanto (no offence to Picantos), also a car, but a completely different ballgame. Alexander, Roux and Oberholzer are passionately trying to convince the provinces they should go with Picanto's offer. The deal on the table is reportedly a R1.4-billion injection into SA Rugby. Still, it is entirely unclear what Ackerley brings to the Springboks or why Roux moved his loyalties from Luxembourg to Seattle. The deal gets even more murky with the revelation that Ackerley doesn't have enough money, but was shopping around elsewhere in the United States to fund the transaction. The country's four largest franchises, the Bulls, Sharks, Lions and Stormers, are now desperately trying to determine what is going on. Their hard-hitting letter to the SA Rugby bosses, which News24 revealed last week, shook the earth in Plattekloof. Remember that they are the key shareholders of SA Rugby who will have to pay the private equity partner its share before profits, if any, are divided between the unions. A key question in the franchises' letter to SA Rugby is finding out the transaction costs, commissions and success fees if the Ackerley deal is concluded. And herein lies the nub: the country's largest rugby clubs, all owned by private investors, know Roux desperately needs R50 million to repay Stellenbosch University or face a dire financial future. It is wholly reasonable for all Springbok fans to fear the private equity deal is not being brokered in the sport's best interests, but to line the pockets of a few individuals.

New 24 Of South Africa Is One Of The Top 20 Internet News Outlets In The World!!

Letter from the editor: News24 joins the 100k Club News24. ADRIAAN BASSON, EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Dear subscriber, Christmas came in January at News24. This week, we became the newest member of an exceptional global group: the 100k Club. This means we are now one of only 40 digital news publications worldwide with more than 100 000 paying subscribers, of which you are one. We couldn't be more grateful and excited. To recap: in August 2020, we came to you, our loyal readers, to explain why News24 was embarking on a subscription journey. The global economics of media has made it impossible to continue with a business only funded by advertising. In return for your hard-earned money, we promised to up our game. Over the past three years, we have grown our newsroom by almost 40%, appointing senior journalists like Karyn Maughan, Carol Paton, Simnikiwe Xabanisa, and Sikonathi Mantshantsha to bolster our investigative, business and sports journalism. The growth of our subscription business enabled us to give our investigations unit the space and time to conduct their probes, leading to agenda-setting scoops like Jeff Wicks' investigation into the assassination of whistleblower Babita Deokaran and the team's exposés of Deputy President Paul Mashatile's financial affairs. We could open new offices in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape to cover the collapsing infrastructure, unstable politics and declining democracy in these vast provinces. We bolstered our sports department by bringing on board some of the country's finest sports writers in Khanyiso Tshwaku, Njabulo Ngidi and Heinz Schenk. Courtesy of your subscription, we could send Khanyiso to Paris for the duration of the Rugby World Cup (hard life, I know!) and Heinz to track the Proteas at the Cricket World Cup in India. As we move closer to the watershed 2024 national and provincial elections, News24's politics team will be your eyes and ears on the road and in the corridors of power. We will be vigilant to ensure elections are conducted fairly and free of political interference; we will tell you who the paymasters are behind the names and logos on the ballot, and we will grill the politicians about their visions and plans for fixing South Africa. Democracy cannot survive without a free and fearless press. As the largest and most trusted news brand in South Africa, we are committed to continue shining a light on dark places. We are in this together, because we are all #TeamSouthAfrica. Kind regards, Adriaan

West Africa-Slamming The Door

Slamming the Door WEST AFRICA Three military-led countries, Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso, decided this week to withdraw from the powerful Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), following sanctions from the bloc and allegations of foreign influence, Al Jazeera reported. In a joint statement on Sunday, the three governments said ECOWAS had become “a threat to its member states and its population,” arguing it did not support their fight against “terrorism and insecurity.” Between 2020 and 2023, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger experienced military coups, leading to a suspension from the bloc. ECOWAS also imposed sanctions on Mali, while even heavier sanctions against Niger have left the country vulnerable to defaulting on debt repayments. The 15-nation bloc was formed in 1975 to promote economic integration. However, it has recently faced the opposition of some members, dismayed at the absence of sovereignty over local natural resources. Niger was once one of the West’s closest partners in addressing the rise of violent armed groups in the Sahel area. After the coup, it joined with Mali and Burkina Faso in the so-called “Alliance of Sahel States,” demanding France, the region’s former colonial, withdraw its troops. France’s response – withdrawal and sanctions – have led to concerns that it could further destabilize the region. The stable coastal countries of Ghana, Togo, Benin, and Ivory Coast also face the threat of armed groups destabilizing their countries. West Africa has seen more than 1,800 attacks and 4,600 deaths recorded between January and June 2023. The bloc stressed it had not been notified in advance of the three military regimes’ joint decision to exit. The departure could take up to a year, according to protocol.

Vigilante Justice In South Africa

Law & Disorder SOUTH AFRICA Residents of Rabie Ridge, sick and tired of criminals running rampant through their township outside Johannesburg, South Africa decided to take matters into their own hands. They went house to house and rounded up six people they accused of crimes. Then they stoned five of the alleged criminals to death. “We constantly live in fear,” said a frustrated community leader, according to Independent Online, a South African news website. “One can’t even go to shops in the evening without fearing for our lives. We tried to work with law enforcement, but they always let us down.” One of the victims’ family members insisted that their nephew was not a criminal, or at least had never been convicted of the crime that the mob accused him of committing. Even if he had been guilty, the family member added, he didn’t deserve to die in that manner. Meanwhile, wealthier South Africans have other options. As the Associated Press explained, they have fueled a booming industry of private security firms whose guards often perform many of the functions normally restricted to government-run law enforcement agencies. These days, private security guards outnumber police officers, wrote NPR. Such personnel also protect bank vans and other vehicles from the heists that occur regularly on the country’s dangerous roads. “Robberies can last extended periods, with motorway traffic continuing normally on the other side of the road while gangs prime their explosives and rove about with automatic weapons, sometimes filmed by onlookers,” wrote the BBC. Vigilantism and mercenaries are two strategies that South Africans have embraced as crime hit a 20-year high in Africa’s most developed country but which also has one of the highest violent crime rates in the world. In the last year, murderers have claimed 27,000 lives in the country. The murder rate has increased by 77 percent since 2022. Police, meanwhile, solve only 12 percent of these cases. The police have attempted to crack down. They have asked Google Maps, for example, to reroute folks who might use the app to drive from Cape Town International Airport through a notorious crime spot where tourists have been robbed and shot, noted Deutsche Welle. But Stellenbosch University criminologist Guy Lamb, writing in the Conversation, says the police are losing the country’s war on crime. The crime wave in South Africa reflects deep social, economic, and other structural problems, he explained. Lamb called for government officials, cops, civil society groups, and communities to work together to create better ways to curb the violence: “This is a ‘war’ the police can’t win on their own …”

Ethiopia-The Coming Storm

The Coming Storm ETHIOPIA When Eritrea won independence from Ethiopia in 1993, the latter retained access to a port on the former’s Red Sea coast. But five years later, Ethiopia lost access to this port during a war between the two countries that lasted until 2000. Today, Ethiopian trade flows through Djibouti. Wanting to change this situation, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed hoped to reach a deal with Somaliland, an independent but unrecognized republic within Somalia, to allow more Ethiopian trade to travel through the port of Berbera, reported Agence France-Presse. Berbera would also allow Ethiopia to trade with the Middle East and Europe to the north via the Suez Canal, and east past the Horn of Africa to India and China. Many Ethiopians feel this arrangement makes perfect sense, the Washington Post noted. Their country, a growing regional power, was never previously landlocked and should not be so today, they reason. In ancient times, for example, Ethiopia was a stop on sea routes that stretched from Rome to India. In return for its port access, Ethiopia promised to conduct an “in-depth assessment” of Somaliland’s bid for sovereignty, a milestone for Somaliland, explained Al Jazeera. No country recognizes the self-declared breakaway state. Additionally, Somaliland would receive a stake in Ethiopian Airlines, a state-owned company that could help Somaliland make connections worldwide. Importantly, as part of the agreement, Ethiopia will also occupy a naval base in Somaliland. Forces deployed to that base presumably could come to Somaliland’s aid in the event of a conflict with officials in Mogadishu. Somaliland was a British colony until 1960. The territory enjoyed five days of independence before voluntarily uniting with Somalia, a former Italian colony. It was a bumpy union that ended with Somaliland breaking away in 1991, after a decade-long liberation struggle against a Soviet-backed military regime. Today, Somaliland is a de facto independent state, with its own currency, a parliament and overseas diplomatic missions. Reflecting the import of this diplomatic turn – a foreign power brokering a deal with rebels to use a military post on land they control but which others claim – Somalian President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud condemned the agreement, signing a new Somalian law to nullify it, added Reuters. It’s not clear if this nullification will do anything, however. “Somalia belongs to Somalis,” Mohamud told lawmakers recently, according to the New York Times. “We will protect every inch of our sacred land and not tolerate attempts to relinquish any part of it.” Now, Somalia says it is prepared to go to war to stop Ethiopia from recognizing Somaliland and building a port there, a senior adviser to Somalia’s president said, according to the Guardian. Declaring the deal void, Mohamud has called on Somalians to “prepare for the defense of our homeland,” while protests have broken out in Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital, against the agreement. At the New Arab, Abdolgader Mohamed Ali, an Eritrean journalist, wondered whether the deal would set in motion events that might ultimately lead to conflict in one of the world’s most volatile regions. Abiy has hinted at resorting to violence to regain Ethiopia’s historical access to the Red Sea. Eritrean officials, who have been Abiy’s allies – he won a Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for finalizing a peace deal with Eritrea – are preparing for a potential outbreak of war over the issue. Djibouti faces economic repercussions from the deal, too, Bloomberg noted. Ethiopians want access to the sea. The question now is, how far are they willing to go to get it?

Fair Elections In The Congo?

Free + Fair = Do-Overs DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO The Election Commission of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) invalidated 82 candidates in December’s general election last week, amid claims of fraud and irregularities and calls to re-run all the elections, including the presidential race, Reuters reported. The list of disqualified candidates included three ministers and four governors, but noticeably not President Tshisekedi. He secured a second term after a landslide victory on Dec. 20, the same day as other national and local votes. However, turnout was low: fewer than one registered Congolese voter out of two was able to cast their ballot, the BBC reported. Election day was marred with irregularities at polling stations throughout the country. Two-thirds of them did not open, and violence and technical malfunctions led to a controversial extension of voting. The election commission said it was investigating “acts of violence, vandalism and sabotage” committed by candidates, a statement seen by the opposition as evidence of widespread fraud. “By what magic … (that) only the legislative elections were corrupted and not the presidential one?” asked Martin Fayulu, who came third in the presidential election and asked for a do-over of all the races. The commission maintained that the elections were free and fair. Its statement did not calm the opposition, who called on the international community to probe the vote. There is little trust in the DRC in the country’s institutions. While the commission was accused of siding with the government, only one candidate took the matter to court, as the others said they had little faith in the judicial system to correct injustices. Meanwhile, the controversy over the elections threatens to further destabilize the country, which is already experiencing a deadly conflict in the east. Millions are thought to have died in a three-decade conflict tearing apart a region holding 70 percent of the world’s reserves of coltan, a mineral used in the manufacture of mobile phones, the BBC explained.