Senegal Indicts Fifth Minister In Ongoing Corruption Crackdown

Senegal Indicts Fifth Minister in Ongoing Corruption Crackdown Senegal Senegal’s anti-corruption special court on Monday indicted former Minister of Community Development Amadou Mansour Faye on charges of embezzling more than $4.6 million of Covid-19-related public funds, Africanews reported. Faye, who is the brother-in-law of former president Macky Sall, is the fifth official from the previous administration to be charged by the High Court of Justice, a special organ responsible for trying former government officials for crimes committed while in office. According to Faye’s lawyer, the court denied the minister bail and ordered his detention. This case is part of a broader crackdown on corruption by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, who was elected last year on promises to promote transparency and accountability. Last week, the anti-corruption court charged two other former ministers from Sall’s administration for embezzlement and misappropriation related to Covid-19 funds, and two others for taking bribes and “complicity in embezzlement.” These cases highlight the new government’s focus on fighting corruption at the highest levels of governance. According to a government spokesman, Senegal intended to summon Sall to court after officials found irregularities in the treasury’s bookkeeping made during his presidency. The former president dismissed the accusations as politically motivated.

Tanzania: When Promises Wither Tanzania's Leaders Start Using An Old Playbook

When Promise Withers: Tanzania’s Leader Starts Using an Old Playbook Tanzania When Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan took office in 2021, the hope was that she would be a different kind of Tanzanian leader, one that would allow civil liberties, stop repression, and promote the development the country so desperately needs. In the first year, she go off to a good start, say observers, promoting the “Four Rs” of reconciliation, resilience, reforms, and rebuilding, becoming a marked contrast to her predecessor, dictator John Magufuli, who, when he died, catapulted his vice president, Hassan, into the country’s top post. The president, from the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party, which has held power since 1977, released political prisoners, removed restrictions on media outlets, began working with the opposition, lifted a ban on opposition party rallies, and started a program of electoral reform. But that was then, before a crackdown on the opposition began last year and is intensifying in the runup to elections later this year. “The façade of progressive change that had been constructed under Samia is crumbling and could presage a return to authoritarian rule in Tanzania,” wrote World Politics Review. Recently, the government arrested the country’s main opposition leader, Tundu Lissu, for treason and other crimes, charges he denies as politically motivated, and come ahead of elections in October. The accusations are in relation to social media posts he made calling for Tanzanians to boycott the elections, citing the possibility of rigging. His party last year began a “No Reforms, No Election” campaign, which calls for reforms to the country’s electoral system, such as an independent election commission and an ability to challenge the results in court. Without these, the party says, the current system is weighted on the side of the ruling party. The treason charge carries the death penalty. As the BBC explained, Lissu, who was shot 17 times in an assassination attempt in 2017 and arrested multiple times over the years, “is the great survivor of Tanzanian politics – and one of its most persecuted politicians.” At the opening of his trial last week, Lissu, the chair of Tanzania’s main opposition party, Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) appeared sanguine and said he was “hopeful,” telling his supporters that “all will be fine.” Still, the government has also banned his party from running candidates in the election after it refused to sign a code of conduct mandated by the Independent National Electoral Commission in order to participate in the elections. Party officials say they refused to sign because of the absence of election reforms, Africanews reported. Now, according to the Council on Foreign Relations, October’s election promises to be a repeat of local elections in November, where many CHADEMA candidates were disqualified, and the CCM ended up winning 99 percent of the local races. Meanwhile, the abductions and disappearances of CHADEMA members continue, say human rights groups. Dioniz Kipanya, a CHADEMA party official, disappeared in July after leaving his house, Amnesty International detailed, calling him and others who have disappeared the victims of a “campaign of repression.” Among these are two CHADEMA youth activists who were kidnapped in August by a group of men suspected to be police officers. And the body of Ali Mohamed Kibao, a senior CHADEMA member, was found in September after suspected security agents had abducted him from a bus while he was travelling home. According to a post-mortem his body had been soaked in acid and bore signs of a beating. Some say the wasted promise of Hassan’s presidency is due to hardliners in her party whose support she needs to remain in power and whose influence is very strong. “President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s ascent to power following Magufuli’s death provided an opportunity for the country of 67 million to exhale and (pivot) back toward Tanzania’s historically more moderate political culture,” wrote the Africa Center for Strategic Studies. “In the process, the lines between the party and the state have become blurred. Like other liberation parties in Africa, some CCM members feel entitled to govern indefinitely and, emboldened by Magufuli’s tenure, are willing to resort to whatever tactics needed to maintain their absolute hegemony.”

South Africans Dispute Claims Of "white Genocide"

South Africans Dispute US Claims of ‘White Genocide’ South Africa South Africans on Thursday reacted with dismay to US President Donald Trump’s claims of a White genocide in South Africa, accusations that dominated a meeting between the American leader and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, and led many to wonder if his trip overseas accomplished its purpose – to repair relations, Reuters reported. Ramaphosa had said before the trip that he hoped the conversation with Trump on Wednesday could be an opportunity to make a fresh start with the US, after relations between the two countries became strained since January. Since February, Trump has canceled aid to South Africa, offered asylum to White Afrikaners, and expelled the country’s ambassador. During the meeting, however, Trump repeatedly said that South Africa’s White minority farmers are being systematically killed and that their land is being seized, according to the BBC. Data collected by White farmers themselves, however, does not indicate a genocide. South Africa, meanwhile, has one of the highest murder rates in the world, but the overwhelming majority of victims are Black. Ramaphosa signed a new law this year that defines how land appropriations for “a public purpose” or “in the public interest” are to be compensated. It also allows for a limited number of cases where land expropriation would not be compensated.

Former Congolese Leader to DO Hard Labor for Corruption

Former Congolese Leader To Do Hard Labor For Corruption Democratic Republic of the Congo The Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (DRC) constitutional court this week sentenced a former prime minister to 10 years of hard labor on embezzlement charges, in a high-profile case brought by the administration of President Félix Tshisekedi against his predecessor’s government, Reuters reported. On Tuesday, the court found former Prime Minister Augustin Matata Ponyo guilty of embezzling approximately $245 million in public funds, along with Deogratias Mutombo, former governor of the central bank, and South African businessman Christo Grobler. Mutombo and Grobler each received five-year sentences of hard labor. All three were tried in absentia and remain at large, according to the newswire. The charges stem from the misappropriation of funds meant for the Bukanga-Lonzo Agro-Industrial Park, a large-scale agricultural project launched under former President Joseph Kabila. The initiative aimed to reduce food insecurity and create jobs, but it collapsed in 2017. Three years later, Congolese authorities under Tshisekedi discovered that funds were stolen from the project and initiated a probe over the previous government’s conduct, the BBC wrote. Matata, who served as prime minister from 2012 to 2016, has denied any wrongdoing. His lawyer condemned the verdict as politically motivated. Following the ruling, both Matata and Mutombo have been barred from holding public office for five years.

Miracle Derailed? Ivory Coast's Success Threatened by Election Gambit

Miracle, Derailed? Ivory Coast’s Success Threatened By Election Gambit Ivory Coast The small, West African country of Ivory Coast experienced an economic “miracle” from the 1950s until the 1980s. Now, it seems as if it is on the verge of a second one. Devastated by two civil wars, from 2002 to 2007 and from 2010 to 11, which combined killed thousands, it has since become West Africa’s economic success story with growth rates hovering around 7 percent in the past decade and one of the highest GDP per capita rates in the region. With much of sub-Saharan Africa grappling with coups, wars, jihadist insurgencies, and economic stagnation, Ivory Coast, a country of 32 million people known for cocoa exports – it is the world’s largest producer – is a rare exception on the continent, say analysts. Still, while the first “Ivorian miracle” was driven by cocoa, part of the country’s recent success is attributed to diversification, an ability to attract investment over the past decade, and the smart economic policy of the government of Alassane Ouattara, a former deputy director of the International Monetary Fund, who has been president since 2010, and the relative political stability that followed over the next decade. That, however, is now being threatened in the runup to elections later this year. Ouattara, 83, won his third term in 2020, despite a constitutional limit of two terms, in an election that was boycotted by the opposition and led to unrest. Now he has signaled that he may run again, Reuters reported. Meanwhile, in April, a court banned Tidjane Thiam, the presidential candidate for the leading opposition party, Democratic Party of Ivory Coast–African Democratic Rally (PDCI), from running in the election, saying he wasn’t an Ivorian citizen. Thiam became a French citizen in 1987 but gave it up in March. The decision is not open to appeal. “While we had the right to hope for inclusive, transparent, and peaceful elections, it is clear that the unjustified removal of the PDCI candidate is part of the logic of eliminating the leaders of the main opposition parties to ensure tailor-made elections and a certain victory,” he said, before stepping down as head of his party recently. Protests have already broken out, led by the opposition. Meanwhile, former President Laurent Gbagbo announced he would run in this fall’s elections, before the court also banned his candidacy along with those of former minister Charles Blé Goudé and former Prime Minister Guillaume Soro.  The exclusion of Blé Goudé and Gbagbo has stoked uproar among their political supporters, Africanews wrote. In other countries, this situation might lead to a cycle of protests and crackdowns by the government before melting away, say analysts. But Ivory Coast has a history of politics turning bloody. For example, the first civil war broke out after the presidential election in 2000 when transitional military government leader Robert Guéï refused to step down after losing to Gbagbo. Then, in 2010, the country’s second civil war broke out after Laurent Gbagbo refused to concede the election to Ouattara. Now that cycle could continue and threaten the economic ‘miracle’ on the horizon. The Council on Foreign Relations said Ouattara is playing an old game, one where he pretends to hesitate to run again, but where his party pushes for his candidacy, leading to a situation in which the “father of the nation” reluctantly accepts to carry on for the good of the country. The think tank called it “a dangerous gambit.” “To say that President Ouattara’s shillyshallying is the last thing that Côte d’Ivoire needs is an understatement,” it wrote. “In the first place, the fact that previous electoral contests have been dogged by violence means that the country has little margin for error and can nary afford a potentially combustible situation … It is regrettable that Ouattara, (who was) the clear winner (of the 2010 elections but one who) Gbagbo was reluctant to hand over (power) to, has learned very little from the tragic episode.”

Alabama Native Issues 'Warning' To Afrikaner Refugees

Alabama local issues ‘warning’ to Afrikaner refugees An Alabama resident has given a ‘friendly warning’ to the group of Afrikaner ‘refugees’ set to settle in the state… By Megan van den Heever 19-05-25 06:58 in Featured Afrikaner refugees A clip of an Alabama resident 'warning' Afrikaner 'refugees' has gone viral. Images via X: @enna_original2 A black Alabama resident has gone viral after sharing a video warning Afrikaner “refugees” about relocating to the state. The clip surfaced shortly after 49 white South Africans arrived in the US through President Donald Trump’s resettlement programme. The group, which will largely settle in the Southern state, claims that they are being “persecuted” based on their race. ALABAMA RESIDENT ‘WARNS’ AFRIKANER ‘REFUGEES In a clip that was posted on X, two black female Alabama residents express their shock that Afrikaner “refugees” will now take up residence in their state. One of the women dramatically says, “Alabama? Lord help them. They better not talk to these people, they better not run into black people, or you’ll be missing. Pray for them.” In the comment section, other American citizens shared their views… @itsjustNiecy__: “Should they come and try that disrespectful stuff here. My they be met with the energy of the ancestors here” @broussard52: “They won’t like Alabama can tell you that right now” @0hhAudie: “Good, I will hire them on my farm!” Elsewhere, an opinion writer on Alabama news site Al.com wrote of their new Afrikaner neighbours: “Y’all shouldn’t be here. “Y’all shouldn’t have been able to skip the line. Y’all should not be here before the tens of thousands of people throughout the world who, just like you, were vetted and prepared to leave their homeland — who must leave out of true fear for their lives. But were denied, not expedited”. FLEEING WAR, FAMINE AND ‘WHITE GENOCIDE’ Meanwhile, NGO Inspiritus will assist the Afrikaner “refugees” as they settle down in Alabama. The organisation has helped displaced people who had fled countries with “violence, war and persecution”, and now “white genocide”. However, the resettlement programme was halted by US President Donald Trump earlier this year. “I feel like it’s disrespectful to the refugees that we are assisting and helping, who are running from violence and forced displacement, to be helping this population,” an employment specialist within the organisation told Al.com. Outright shunning of the Afrikaner refugees is the US’s Episcopal Church, who were initially tasked with resettling the minority community. Presiding Bishop Sean Rowe said: “It has been painful to watch one group of refugees, selected in a highly unusual manner, receive preferential treatment over many others who have been waiting in refugee camps or dangerous conditions for years”. Tags: DMumani featured Important refugees South Africa Post navigation Next Article

Sasol Faces Do Or Die Moment

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An Afrikaner Refugee Defends His Status In The US

'I didn't come here for fun' - Afrikaner defends refugee status in US 13 hours ago Share Save Nomia Iqbal and Cai Pigliucci Reporting from Buffalo, New York 2:08 The BBC's Nomia Iqbal asks Charl Kleinhaus about his refugee status in the US and about being called a "coward" Last week, 46-year-old Charl Kleinhaus was living on his family farm in Mpumalanga province, South Africa. With its scenic beauty, wildlife and deep canyons, it's known as "the place where the sun rises". His new home - for now - is a budget hotel near an American highway. He and dozens of other white South Africans were moved to the US under President Donald Trump's controversial policy to protect them from the discrimination he alleges they are facing - an accusation that South Africa rejects. Mr Kleinhaus defends the US president, telling the BBC he left his homeland after receiving death threats in WhatsApp messages. "I had to leave a five-bedroom house, which I will lose now," Mr Kleinhaus tells the BBC, adding that he also left behind his car, his dogs and even his mother. "I didn't come here for fun," he adds. The contrast in homes couldn't be more stark. But for Mr Kleinhaus, his situation in Buffalo, New York, is already a better one. "My children are safe," says Mr Kleinhaus, whose wife died in a road accident in 2006. The status of white South African farmers has long been a rallying cry on the right and far-right of American politics. Trump and his close ally, South Africa-born billionaire Elon Musk, have even argued that there has been a "genocide" of white farmers in South Africa - a claim that has been widely discredited. In February, Trump signed an executive order granting refugee status to Afrikaners, such as Mr Kleinhaus, who he said were being persecuted. Mr Kleinhaus is one of a group of 59 who arrived on Tuesday at Dulles airport, near Washington DC, after Trump's administration fast-tracked their applications. He admits he was surprised at how quickly he got to the US, and that he is grateful to Trump. "I felt finally somebody in this world is seeing what's going on," he says. As he and his family arrived with others at the airport they were greeted with red, white and blue balloons. He describes the pomp and ceremony as "overwhelming".

Mauritania's Former President Sentenced to 15 Years in Prison

Mauritania’s Former President Sentenced to 15 Years in Prison Mauritania Mauritania’s former President Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz on Wednesday saw his sentence tripled to 15 years and was fined $3 million after he appealed a corruption conviction, in what analysts say is one of the few cases where an African leader has been held accountable for robbing the state, Africanews reported. Aziz, a former military general who helped lead two coups before serving as president from 2009 to 2019, was found guilty and sentenced in 2023 for money laundering and self-enrichment. Investigators say he accumulated over $70 million in assets while in power, according to the Associated Press. The court on Wednesday also cleared six senior officials who had served in Aziz’s administration but upheld a previous two-year prison sentence for his son-in-law on charges of influence peddling. According to the verdict, the “Errahma” (Mercy) Foundation, led by Aziz’s son, is ordered to be dissolved, and his assets will be seized by the government. Aziz’s legal team called the charges politically motivated, accusing current President Mohamed Ould Cheikh Ghazouani of a power play. Aziz and Ghazouani were allies until Ghazouani became president in 2019 in what was the country’s first peaceful, democratic transfer of power since independence from France in 1960. Tensions escalated when Aziz tried to take over a major political party after leaving office. In 2020, a parliamentary commission initiated a corruption investigation targeting Aziz and other officials. Share this story

Kenya Is Taking On Meta In A Big Way!

Meta Action Against Meta: Kenya Hosts Lawsuits Against Big Tech With Global Implications Kenya In April, the European Union fined Meta and Apple almost $800 million collectively for antitrust violations, and added requirements that they change their business practices. These were only the latest European actions against American “Big Tech” companies for privacy violations, intellectual property infringements, anti-competitive practices, and other actions that the bloc deemed violated its rules over the past decade. The EU has long been at the forefront of governments and regulators worldwide attempting to change how Meta, Google, Apple, and others do business. However, it’s three cases in Africa that promise to have even broader consequences for US tech firms, analysts say. “(These cases) could serve as a model for similar plaintiffs from the global majority to seek some modicum of accountability from one of the most consequential companies of the last two decades,” wrote Compiler, a non-profit that covers digital policy.  One case centers on the death of an Ethiopian chemistry professor, Meareg Amare Abrha, who was the subject of Facebook posts that included his name, photo, and workplace, along with false allegations against him: He was accused of being involved in violence against other ethnic groups as a sectarian civil war raged in Ethiopia in the fall of 2021. His son, Abrham Meareg, panicked after seeing the posts, worried that the combination of the accusations and the ethnicity of his father, a member of the Tigrayan minority, would cause him to be attacked. “I knew it was a death sentence for my father the moment I saw it,” Abrham Meareg told NPR. He repeatedly requested the platform take down the posts. But the company “left these posts up until it was far too late,” he told the BBC. His father was murdered by armed men on motorcycles just weeks later. Some of the posts were removed after his father’s death. Others remained on the site for as long as a year later. The lawsuit against Meta, filed by Abrham Meareg and two other parties, is asking for $2 billion for a victim’s restitution fund, changes to Facebook’s algorithm, and an apology. The case, filed in Kenya because that’s where the content moderators for Ethiopia were based, alleges that Facebook’s algorithms amplified hate speech that spread hate and violence during the Ethiopian civil war and also led to real-world consequences – such as the murder of Meareg Amare Abrha. Initially, Meta disputed that it could be held liable in legal action in Kenya since its headquarters are in the United States – an argument it had sometimes used successfully in Europe, until the bloc required the physical presence of American tech companies operating within it. Meanwhile, liability claims for content posted on tech platforms are rarely successful in the US or anywhere else. Still, in April, Kenya’s High Court ruled it had jurisdiction to hear the cases. “(The) ruling is a positive step towards holding big tech companies accountable for contributing to human rights abuses,” said Mandi Mudarikwa, who is in charge of strategic litigation at Amnesty International, which is among the human rights organizations supporting the case. “It paves the way for justice and serves notice to big tech platforms that the era of impunity is over.”  When the case was initially filed, a Meta official told the BBC that hate speech and incitement to violence were against the platform’s rules, saying, “Our safety-and-integrity work in Ethiopia is guided by feedback from local civil society organizations and international institutions.” Meta says that it will appeal the ruling on jurisdiction in Kenya’s Supreme Court. Meanwhile, all three Kenya cases center on the tens of thousands of moderators the firm uses overseas to monitor and remove illegal content. In Kenya, like elsewhere, Meta had hired a third-party contractor, Sama, to perform content moderation in local languages. This is cheaper than incorporating overseas and hiring employees, which subjects the firm to local laws. Firms like Meta had also believed it allowed them to evade liability because it had offloaded the work, analysts said. In the second of the three cases, a class-action suit, 184 former content moderators say that the contractors hired by Meta, and also Meta itself, were guilty of unlawful termination and forced labor, according to their attorney, Mercy Mutemi, who is also representing plaintiffs in the other cases. In the third, workers accuse Meta and the subcontractors of mental harm, alleging they were forced to watch graphic images without access to mental health professionals and were terminated after they tried to unionize to obtain care. Meta has said it has no liability because it had no direct relationship with the workers, a claim that a judge in Kenya ruled against, calling Meta the workers’ “employer.” As the cases continue to be litigated, observers say they are also remarkable because they are the first in Africa or anywhere in the Global South to attempt to hold American big tech firms accountable for their practices. Moreover, how these cases are decided and what comes after could have global implications for Meta and other multinationals, especially tech companies, analysts say: That they can be held liable for content; that they can be sued anywhere; and that they can be held liable for work performed by subcontractors. “Kenya has become a key legal battlefield in the campaign to hold Meta accountable,” said Paul Barrett of New York University’s School of Law, writing in Tech Policy Press. “Meta continues to deny legal or moral liability in the innovative Kenyan case. But together with two other lawsuits pending against Meta in Nairobi, the Kenyan litigation provides an unusual opportunity to consider the obligations that powerful technology companies have to the populations that make their mighty profits possible.” Others point out that beyond the courts, Kenyans and other Africans have additional leverage with multinationals. Africa is the youngest continent demographically – 70 percent of sub-Saharan Africa is under the age of 30 – which makes it an important market for American tech companies in the future, analysts say. But these cases are advancing even as American tech companies like Meta are moving toward eliminating content moderation completely, reversing a decade-long trend. Meta, for example, in a January memo said it would eliminate its third-party fact-checking program in the United States this year to “restore free expression,” and instead follow a model used by X, which it called Community Notes. “Meta’s platforms are built to be places where people can express themselves freely,” wrote its CEO, Mark Zuckerberg. “That can be messy. But that’s free expression.” “In recent years, we’ve developed increasingly complex systems to manage content across our platforms, partly in response to societal and political pressure to moderate content,” he added. “This approach has gone too far.” American tech titans have also been lobbying US President Donald Trump to fight governments overseas that are taking action against Big Tech, something he has signaled that he is willing to do. “We’re going to work with President Trump to push back on governments around the world that are going after American companies and pushing to censor more,” Zuckerberg said. The lure of jobs and economic growth can sometimes help multinationals avoid such legal cases. For example, Kenyan President William Ruto is trying to make Kenya into a continental tech hub to promote employment and economic growth. It therefore came as a blow when Meta moved its content-moderation operations from Kenya to Ghana after the lawsuits were filed. (However, Ghana’s content moderators recently filed suit against Meta for mental harm, too). Now Ruto has backed a new law to make it harder to sue American tech companies because he says the country needs jobs for its young people – currently, about 31 percent of Kenyan youth are unemployed or underemployed, according to the government. “(This bill would) make us more attractive for investment,” said Aaron Cheruiyot, the Kenyan Senate majority leader, on X. “(Tech is) a growing sector that currently employs thousands with the potential to explode and employ millions. Is it not in the best interest of the ever-growing number of unemployed youth to make do what needs to be done to open up more opportunities for them?” Essentially, Kenya’s government is facing an impossible choice, Mark Graham of the Oxford Internet Institute told the Economist: “Bad jobs or no jobs.”  Share this story

South Africa To Probe ANC's Role In Blocking Apartheid Era Cases

South Africa to Probe ANC’s Role in Blocking Apartheid-Era Cases South Africa Responding to complaints from survivors and relatives of victims, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa this week ordered an investigation into allegations that past governments led by his African National Congress (ANC) party intentionally blocked prosecutions of apartheid-era crimes, Al Jazeera reported. The president on Wednesday announced a judicial inquiry to address allegations of “improper influence in delaying or hindering” investigations made against ANC governments – which have led the country since the discriminatory system of apartheid ended in 1994. The decision comes after 25 survivors and relatives of victims of apartheid-era crimes filed a lawsuit against the government in January, accusing post-apartheid administrations of obstructing justice. The plaintiffs claimed that previous ANC administrations had failed to properly probe killings, disappearances, and other abuses committed in South Africa under white-minority rule. The families allege that since the late 1990s, ANC-led governments failed to act on the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) established in 1996 by then-President Nelson Mandela to expose apartheid-era atrocities and offer conditional amnesty to perpetrators who confessed. Among the most prominent unresolved cases is that of the Cradock Four, a group of four Black anti-apartheid activists who were abducted and murdered by security forces in 1985. Although the TRC denied amnesty to six security officers linked to the killings in 1999, none were ever prosecuted, and all have since died. Since the ANC came to power more than 30 years ago, party-led governments have received criticism for prioritizing national reconciliation instead of delivering justice to the victims. Victims’ families were skeptical that the new inquiry represents any real change, suggesting that it will only offer recommendations and will not compel legal action or resolve their claims for damages, the Guardian noted. The families are seeking around $8.8 million to fund further investigations, litigation, and education efforts.

Elon Musk ANd Trump Attack Alleged South African Racism Against Afrikaners

https://www.news24.com/news24/investigations/x-boer-unmasked-the-ex-farmer-spreading-racism-lies-to-millions-including-musk-trump-20250429?lid=1z6sr35a3swg#group-section-From-Twatterbaas-to-the-White-House-PUOTrx2Hf4