Senegal's Youth Turn On The President

Senegal’s Youth Turn on the President They Helped Elect SENEGAL Senegal In March 2024, Senegalese voters outmaneuvered a term-limited leader attempting to stay in power, propelling a young opposition candidate just released from prison into the presidency and giving his party a legislative majority later that year. It was students at the forefront of that victory. Now, two years later, many of those young voters say they feel betrayed by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, blaming his administration for failing to disburse students’ financial aid payments and for the violence at recent protests over the stipends that killed one student. “We were just kids, but we were fighting for him – I can’t believe he is doing this to us today,” Khadija Ndiaye, 19, a history student, told the Associated Press, adding that she hasn’t received her payments for three months. “He said in his campaign videos that a student can no longer survive without a stipend. It is not normal today for him to stand before us and say that a student can survive without a stipend.” Ndiaye added that the government doesn’t understand or care about students’ realities. “(Officials’) kids are not even in Senegal, they’re in the United States, Europe, anywhere,” she said. “You’re never going to see the son of a minister or a president here at the university.” The ongoing protests broke out in December at Senegal’s top public university, Cheikh Anta Diop University, in the capital of Dakar, over unpaid government financial aid payments to students. The payments range from 20,000 to 60,000 CFA francs (between $36 and $109) per month, and are often the students’ only source of income, and at times, an entire family’s. Some students say they haven’t been paid in a year. Part of the problem with the payments lies in Senegal’s economic situation. After the new administration took over, it conducted an audit that found hidden debt inherited from the previous administration, which left a $13 billion budget hole. Talks with the International Monetary Fund for financial aid have stalled. As a result, bills have gone unpaid, the government’s reform plans have stalled and public grumbling has grown over cuts and a dire economic situation that has hit those under 35 – 75 percent of Senegal’s 19 million – the hardest. At the same time, repeated closures by the university over the past few years, also due to protests, have caused problems with the payment schedule. In 2024, students protested in support of Faye and current Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, who were key opposition leaders at the time. Their pledges to tackle corruption and turn around the economy raised the hopes of many young Senegalese, helping to bring them to power in spite of attempts by President Macky Sall to stay put: His regime jailed Sonko, barred him from running in the elections, canceled the vote, and instituted a deadly crackdown on protesters opposing his administration. The protests that broke out in December, meanwhile, were initially peaceful. However, violence broke out when university officials closed campus cafeterias after students refused to pay for meals, and when officials closed the dorms, forcing some students to return to their villages in the countryside. During these demonstrations, some students set buildings and cars on fire and clashed with police, who, human rights groups say, used “disproportionate force” against protesters, deploying nightsticks and tear gas, detaining students and allegedly “torturing” one to death. One student, Ablaye, recounted to Agence France-Presse how police repeatedly hurt him: Police officers forced their way into his room in the student dorm, dragged him out and beat him in the hallway. He says he was beaten again and again by three more groups of officers. “When I was bleeding too much, they took me to the Red Cross,” he said, displaying a dozen stitches on his head. “I knew it would be like this with this regime, it’s business as usual – a break with the past is impossible.” Still, the death of Abdoulaye Ba, a second-year medical student who was not a protester, was a tipping point, say observers. Since then, Senegalese officials have admitted to police brutality and promised an investigation into the student’s death. Interior Minister Mouhamadou Bamba Cissé expressed his condolences to Ba’s family. Even so, he said violence was caused by both parties. However, a state prosecutor said last week that Ba, who died of head injuries, was killed in a fall from his fourth-floor dorm room, setting off new outrage among the students. Student Madawass Diagne, who helped raise funds to pay for students’ journeys home after the student housing closed, told Reuters he voted for Faye and now felt let down. “We are (facing) the same injustices we were fighting against (before),” he said, referring to the prior administration. “It’s like (the president) betrayed a whole country.”

Moroccan Lawyers End Strikes After Government Withdraws Cautious Reform Bill

Moroccan Lawyers End Strikes After Government Withdraws Contentious Reform Bill MOROCCO Morocco Moroccan lawyers ended a weekslong nationwide strike this week after the government suspended a draft law regulating the legal profession that critics said would undermine lawyers’ independence, Agence France-Presse reported. The Association of Moroccan Bars (ABAM) said Monday that the breakthrough came after Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch pledged to “personally take charge” of the bill in cooperation with the association by “putting in place a mixed commission” of officials and legal practitioners to initiate dialogue. The government has decided not to forward the draft to parliament for a vote until the committee completes its review. The strike began on Jan. 7, a day before the government approved the bill, which was aimed at modernizing the sector and strengthening anti-corruption safeguards. Lawyers said the bill would limit their profession’s constitutional role in the justice system and demanded to be part of the drafting process. One key point of contention was a provision granting courts direct disciplinary power over lawyers, a function traditionally handled internally by bar associations. The draft also proposed new requirements to study law, including a master’s degree in legal sciences, an entrance exam to a training institute, and an age limit of between 22 and 40, the Rabat-based Morocco World News reported. Lawyers have questioned whether these conditions balance merit and equal opportunity. Others also voiced concern over the new administrative obligations and oversight mechanisms that lawyers said could affect professional autonomy. Morocco’s Ministry of Justice countered that the draft law was necessary to update legal frameworks that govern lawyers and strengthen the quality of legal services. Justice Minister Abdellatif Ouahbi insisted that “the legal profession needs change.” However, Ouahbi, who initiated the bill, told parliament earlier this month he was “ready to drop, modify or reform anything that harms lawyers.”

Central Africa Republic's Election Underscores Wobbly Stability

Central African Republic’s Election Underscores a Wobbly Stability CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC Central African Republic Recently, the top US adviser for Africa, Massad Boulos, was invited to visit the Central African Republic for talks on military and diplomatic partnerships as well as investment opportunities, particularly in the mining sector. The Central African Republic has significant reserves of untapped but critical minerals that include diamonds, gold, uranium and rare earth elements, which have long interested Russia, China, the US and others. Beyond wanting to dislodge Chinese and Russian influence, analysts say US interest also reflects growing stability in the Central African Republic since 2021, when rebel militias nearly captured the capital, Bangui. The country also held a successful and relatively violence-free election in December, they add. Even so, some are questioning whether the progress the country has made is sustainable. “For many residents (…), the ballot carried the promise of normalcy, or at least continuity, in a region long starved of both,” the UN wrote. “That promise, however, remains elusive.” Since gaining independence from France in 1960, the Central African Republic, one of the poorest countries in the world, has experienced decades of violence and instability, including six coups. In 2013, the country saw an explosion of fighting when predominantly Muslim Séléka rebels seized power, taking over Bangui and ousting President François Bozizé. Christian Anti-balaka militias fought back, with mobs burning mosques and killing Muslims by decapitating and dismembering them. The violence went on sporadically, intensifying and spreading in 2018 after a period of relative calm as armed groups battled over areas rich in gold, diamonds, uranium and other minerals. Thousands died in the fighting, with hundreds of thousands displaced by the conflict in the country of about 5 million. Soon after, President Faustin-Archange Touadera hired Russian mercenaries from the Kremlin-linked Wagner Group, who prevented those groups from taking control of Bangui in 2021 – after six of 14 armed groups vying for control withdrew from a 2019 peace agreement. Since then, the Russian mercenaries have served as personal bodyguards for Touadera, playing a key role in propping him up in the guise of helping him defeat rebel groups: The group reportedly wrote the text of the constitutional referendum that removed term limits, which would allow the president to remain in power indefinitely, Le Monde reported. It also helped him win the referendum with 95 percent of the vote, aided by a Russian disinformation campaign, the French publication added. Still, the elections held late last year were a major accomplishment and a sign of stability, analysts say. Voters cast their ballots for candidates running for presidential, legislative, regional and municipal offices. Touadera won a third term in a landslide, garnering 78 percent of the vote. However, it was not a vote to be held up as a model of democracy, said critics, who complained the election was marked by fraud and meddling, reported the Associated Press. Election authorities rejected the opposition’s appeals. The Republican Bloc for the Defense of the Constitution, the main opposition party, boycotted the vote, added Al Jazeera. Meanwhile, as the capital remains relatively peaceful, guarded by a mix of Russian mercenaries and UN peacekeepers, violence continues to spread across the country, fueled by rebels, government forces and other militants, wrote Human Rights Watch. Abduction, the forcible recruitment of children as soldiers, sexual violence and attacks against civilians are still rampant. The proximity of the civil war in neighboring Sudan has also concerned aid officials, who worry that fighting might spill over the border or that Sudanese migrants fleeing war might destabilize the country further. “There is no fence, no physical barrier marking the end of one country and the beginning of the other – just a dried-up riverbed spanning the invisible line drawn on maps,” said UN officials. Already thousands of refugees are making their way to a “fractured country still piecing itself back together,” they added. For example, Birao, a northern town on the border with Sudan, now hosts more than 27,000 Sudanese refugees – an overwhelming number for a community of about 18,000, UN officials say. There, tensions have occasionally flared between refugees and local residents. More recently, a militia that the Wagner Group recruited, trained and armed to fight rebels and Fulani pastoralists – largely Muslim nomadic cattle herders – turned against the government. Separately, fighting has flared in the remote southeastern Haut-Mbomou area since late December between government forces backed by Russian mercenaries and the Azandé Ani Kpi Gbè militia, a community self-defense force from the Azandé ethnic group. The unrest comes as Russia seeks to replace the Wagner Group with its Africa Corps, which would assume a training role only, a shift that would cost the country a fortune – it currently pays with minerals – and could jeopardize the president and the government’s hold on power. Fulbert Ngodji, an analyst at the International Crisis Group, told World Politics Review that the progress is mainly that no province is currently controlled by armed groups. But he added that this is a mixed blessing, while noting that it is unclear whether the situation will remain stable. “These (armed) groups, which live off violence through looting or mining exploitation, have not genuinely disarmed and continue to pose a threat,” he said. “In some regions, the army has become the main source of insecurity (and violence).”

South Africa: Some Afrikaner Refugees Are Suffering In the US

Cold, hungry and living in squalor: Afrikaner refugees ‘struggling’ in US Grass isn’t greener? A bombshell report revealed the struggles of some Afrikaner refugees who left South Africa for the US… Author picture By Megan van den Heever 13-02-26 20:23 in Lifestyle afrikaner refugees us 7 Some Afrikaner refugees in the US are living in dire conditions. Image via Canva A bombshell report by an independent US publication claims that some refugees – predominantly Afrikaners – left South Africa to face even worse conditions in their adoptive countries. This comes a year after US President Donald Trump signed an Executive Order prioritising refugee resettlement for predominantly white South Africans through the United States Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) The president claimed that the minority faced “unjust racial discrimination”, labelling transformative legislation as “persecution”. SA authorities have since accused Trump of “spreading misinformation” about the country. ADVERTISEMENT To date, close to 2000 South Africans have departed the country on the programme. AFRIKANER REFUGEES ‘STRUGGLING’ IN THE US – REPORT According to the US publication, The Free Press, an investigation revealed that some Afrikaner refugees were living in poor conditions. An investigative journalist spoke to ten South Africans, who bemoaned being placed in mouldy, dirty motels and apartments infested with cockroaches, and living amongst drug addicts and criminals. Many claimed to have little to no food, eating just one meal a day to survive. Others lived in freezing temperatures, without warm coats, and had to travel long distances in the snow to their nearest grocery store. Some complained about the high cost of living, adding that much of their earnings went towards rent. Speaking anonymously to protect their identities, here is what a few had to say… “We come from a place where you have to grow a set of eyes on the back of your head. Only to move to another unsafe place and be told by the locals you’re now in harm’s way.” ADVERTISEMENT “I understand I am a refugee, and I am very grateful. But I can’t, in my right mind, pay to live with cockroaches.” “We did not have blankets, towels, beds, or any basic necessities. We only had our bags from South Africa and the clothes on our backs”. The publication spoke to a social worker, Amanda Emery, who had spent hundreds of dollars out of her own pocket to help refugees get on their feet. She said: “I gave them air mattresses and pillows, because their beds weren’t appropriate. I’ve taken them to the ministry to get clothing. I feel like they’re being neglected, and the agency is setting them up for failure.” Also speaking to the publication was NGO, The US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI), which claimed it was “focused on supporting economic self-sufficiency and social integration, ensuring newcomers can build stable lives within their new communities. US intel expert Chris Wyatt has responded to the report, accusing many refugee assistance agencies of maladministration. WHAT ARE THEY ENTITLED TO? Under the refugee resettlement programme, South Africans receive federal resettlement support, which covers accommodation placement, short-term Medicaid, and their children are placed in local schools. Families receive a small stipend based on their needs. Assistance agencies contracted to the government are paid to provide food, clothing, and housing supplies. They also offer support in skills assessment, job preparation, and integration into US communities. 7 comments WIN R2 000: Take The South African’s SASSA Survey Tags: afrikaner refugee Donald Trump Featured Important Post navigation Next Article Previous Coloured Afrikaner ‘refugees’ in US speak out: ‘We’re tired of lies’ Discover ‘Shame on you!’: ‘Wife’ of arrested Afrikaner in US speaks out Discover Health Insights Magazine Shoulder Pain is Not From Sleeping Wrong. 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Cape Town: Hidden Nature And Outdoor Escapes

Hidden nature and outdoor escapes in Cape Town Beyond Cape Town’s famous beaches and landmarks lies a quieter side of the city, one shaped by hidden trails and overlooked green spaces. By Nadine Burger 30-01-26 12:53 in Cape Town Beach in Langebaan 0 A beach in Langebaan. Image: Instagram/nadine_burg_ Cape Town is often celebrated for its iconic attractions, but many of its most meaningful outdoor experiences happen far from busy tourist routes. Tucked between suburbs, mountains, and coastline are natural spaces that reward curiosity and a slower pace. These places are not always marked on itineraries, yet they form part of everyday life for many locals. What makes these outdoor escapes special is their sense of calm. They allow people to experience Cape Town’s biodiversity without queues, noise, or pressure to capture the perfect photo. From quiet forest paths to peaceful stretches of coastline, these spaces offer room to breathe. Exploring hidden nature also changes how the city feels. Instead of rushing between landmarks, you begin to notice details, the sound of birds, the smell of fynbos, the rhythm of the ocean. It’s a reminder that Cape Town’s beauty isn’t only found in famous views, but in moments of stillness. The Pipe Track Running along the slopes of Table Mountain, the Pipe Track is a relatively flat walking route with sweeping views of the Atlantic Seaboard. It’s ideal for sunset walks and attracts far fewer crowds than summit hikes. Route details are available via South African National Parks. Cecilia Forest On the eastern side of the mountain, Cecilia Forest offers shaded trails, streams, and a peaceful atmosphere. It’s perfect for weekend walks and picnics, especially on hot summer days. Hidden Tidal Pools Along the Coast Beyond popular swimming spots, quieter tidal pools exist along the False Bay coastline. Areas near St James and Kalk Bay offer calmer waters and fewer visitors. There are many trails where one can enjoy, Especially lovely coastal runs. View this post on Instagram

Cape Town's Water Wake Up Call

When the dams couldn’t hold: Cape Town’s water wake-up call A dam disaster is never only about water levels. In Cape Town, overflowing dams became a warning about climate extremes. By Nadine Burger 11-02-26 09:24 in Cape Town Theewaterskloof dam 8 Theewaterskloof dam. Image: Instagram/guypalmer96 Cape Town’s water story has swung between scarcity and surplus. After years of drought that reshaped daily habits, periods of intense rainfall pushed several dams close to capacity in a short time. Rapid inflows increased pressure on dam walls and forced authorities to implement controlled water releases to protect structural safety. These releases, while necessary, led to flooding along river systems and affected communities downstream. The consequences were felt most strongly in low-lying areas. Homes were damaged, roads washed away, and basic services disrupted. The City of Cape Town’s Disaster Risk Management centre, coordinated evacuations and emergency responses, but the event highlighted how quickly extreme weather can overwhelm urban systems when rainfall exceeds historical norms. The disaster also shifted the public conversation around water management. Dams are no longer only symbols of security after drought; they have become potential risk points during heavy rainfall. With climate variability increasing, Cape Town must now plan for both water shortages and sudden excess at the same time. Infrastructure Under Pressure Much of the Western Cape’s water infrastructure was designed decades ago, based on rainfall patterns that are no longer reliable. As dam levels rise rapidly, engineers are often left with limited options beyond releasing water to prevent structural damage. Communities on the Front Line Communities living near rivers and dam catchments face the greatest risk during flooding events. Informal settlements and older suburbs are particularly vulnerable due to their location and limited drainage systems. Humanitarian organisations such as Gift of the Givers, provided relief to affected families, underlining how disasters quickly become humanitarian crises when homes and livelihoods are lost. Lessons for the Future The dam disaster reinforced the need for better urban planning, improved early warning systems, and climate-resilient infrastructure. On a personal level, it was a reminder that water security is fragile, and that living in Cape Town means learning to respect both the absence and the force of water.

Zimbabwe : President Managawa's Term Extended to 2030

Zimbabwe Moves to Extend President Mnangagwa’s Term to 2030 ZIMBABWE Zimbabwe The Zimbabwean government this week approved a draft law to extend the presidential term, a move critics say would allow President Emmerson Mnangagwa to remain in office until 2030, Al Jazeera reported Wednesday. The ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) on Tuesday presented the cabinet with the proposal to a ... [Message clipped] View entire message

Kenya: Raises Concerns With Russia Over Citizens Recruited To Fight In Ukraine

Kenya to Raise Concerns with Russia Over Citizens Recruited to Fight in Ukraine KENYA Kenya Kenya this week said it plans to seek answers from Russia about its citizens being recruited to fight for Moscow in Ukraine, adding that an estimated 200 nationals had been enlisted, many under false pretenses, the BBC reported. Foreign Minister Musalia Mudavadi described the recruitment as “unacceptable and clandestine,” calling it “a very unfortunate episode” in what he said had otherwise been positive and cordial relations between Nairobi and Moscow. Kenyan officials said the exact number of its nationals recruited remains unclear, noting that none of the individuals traveled through official government channels. Many of those involved were allegedly misled with promises of jobs abroad and later coerced into joining the conflict, they added. Mudavadi said talks with Russia will focus on halting any illegal recruitment activities, including negotiations over visa policies and bilateral labor agreements that explicitly exclude any form of military conscription. He said the government should not be blamed for illegal recruitment, noting that authorities have shut down more than 600 recruitment agencies suspected of deceiving Kenyans with false promises of overseas employment. Kenya has so far repatriated 27 citizens, Mudavadi said, adding that authorities are providing psychological support to address trauma and assist with “de-radicalization.” It is unclear how many Kenyans have died fighting for Russia, and Moscow has not formally addressed such reports. The Russian Embassy in Nairobi has reportedly turned away relatives seeking information about loved ones on the front lines. The controversy comes as both Ukraine and Russia have been accused of recruiting foreign nationals mainly from Asia and Africa to fight for their sides using deceptive tactics, such as promises of employment, scholarships and opportunities to compete in sports events. One such case involves Kenyan long-distance runner Evans Kibet, who said he was tricked into joining the Russian army after traveling there for a track event. The 36-year-old athlete is currently a prisoner of war in Ukraine and recounted his experiences in an interview with German broadcaster Deutsche Welle in November. According to Ukrainian intelligence, more than 1,400 people from 36 African countries have been recruited to fight for Russia.

Cape Town: The Two Oceans Aquarium

Beneath the surface at the V&A Waterfront Set against the buzz of the V&A Waterfront, Cape Town’s iconic aquarium offers a calm, captivating escape. By Nadine Burger 06-02-26 09:31 in Cape Town Fishes at the aquarium 0 Fishes at the aquarium. Photo:Instagram/nadine_burg_ Nestled at the heart of the V&A Waterfront, the Two Oceans Aquarium is one of Cape Town’s most loved attractions. It brings visitors face to face with marine life found along South Africa’s unique coastline, where two oceans meet. From the moment you step inside, the noise of the city fades, replaced by the slow movement of water and the quiet rhythm of life beneath the surface. The aquarium is designed to educate as much as it entertains. Carefully curated exhibits showcase kelp forests, colourful reef fish, penguins, turtles and sharks, all while explaining the importance of marine conservation. Clear signage, interactive displays and daily talks make it easy for visitors of all ages to learn without feeling overwhelmed. Whether you’re a local looking for a peaceful afternoon or a visitor exploring the V&A for the first time, the aquarium offers a refreshing change of pace. It’s an experience that feels both grounding and inspiring, reminding you just how closely connected Cape Town is to the ocean that surrounds it. Ocean Life Up Close One of the highlights is the predator exhibit, where ragged-tooth sharks glide past large viewing windows and through the famous tunnel. Watching these animals up close creates a deep sense of respect for marine ecosystems and the delicate balance that keeps them alive. Education and Conservation Beyond displays, the aquarium plays an active role in research, rescue and environmental education. Programmes focused on sustainability and ocean protection highlight real issues affecting South Africa’s seas. Perfectly Placed at the V&A Located within the V&A Waterfront, the aquarium pairs perfectly with a day of shopping, dining or seaside walks. Personally, I always find that a visit here slows me down in the best way, and I never leave without feeling a little more appreciative of Cape Town’s ocean life. 0 comments

The Cape Town Red Bus Tour

Cape Town from the top: The Red Bus City Tour experience Seeing Cape Town from an open-top bus offers a relaxed and scenic experience. By Nadine Burger 04-02-26 12:58 in Cape Town The red bus 0 The red bus driving along the Bo-Kaap. Image: Generated through AI. Cape Town is a city best explored slowly, and the Cape Town Red Bus City Tour makes that easy without the pressure of navigating traffic or planning complex routes. Designed as a hop-on, hop-off experience, the tour allows visitors to explore the city at their own pace while still covering a wide range of attractions. It is ideal for first-time visitors and equally enjoyable for locals wanting a fresh view of familiar places. The tour operates on clearly marked routes that take passengers through the heart of the city and along some of its most scenic stretches. Open-top double-decker buses offer uninterrupted views, while an onboard audio guide provides commentary in multiple languages. The narration explains Cape Town’s history, architecture, and cultural diversity, turning the ride into both a sightseeing and learning experience. Flexibility is one of the biggest advantages of the Red Bus City Tour. You can stay on the bus for the full loop or hop off at selected stops to explore further, then rejoin later. Full route details and ticket options can be viewed on the City Sightseeing Cape Town website. Iconic Sights Along the Route Highlights include views of Table Mountain, stops near the V&A Waterfront, and coastal drives past Camps Bay and Clifton Beaches, combining ocean, city, and mountain scenery. Culture and History on Display The route also passes through areas such as Bo-Kaap, offering insight into Cape Town’s layered history and vibrant communities. It is something everyone must experience when in Cape Town. Why the Red Bus Is Worth It Personally, I enjoy the Red Bus because it allows me to slow down and really take in Cape Town. Sitting up top, watching the city unfold with the mountain always in view, reminds me why this city continues to feel special no matter how many times I see it. 0 comments

After The Handshakes, The Congo "Great War" Goes On

After the Handshakes, Congo’s ‘Great War’ Goes On DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO/ RWANDA Rwanda-DRC On Dec. 4, US President Donald Trump hosted the leaders of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda at the White House to sign a peace deal to end the long-running war in mineral-rich eastern Congo. Five days later, Rwandan troops and the Rwanda-backed March 23 Movement (M23) rebel forces launched a new offensive near Uvira in South Kivu in eastern Congo that pushed out Congolese and Burundian military forces and a coalition of allied militias, killed 74 people and displaced about 200,000 civilians. US officials were furious, threatening action. Even so, analysts say that in the two months since the agreement, known as the Washington Accords, the situation in the country has deteriorated: Rwanda and rebel groups continue to expand their territory in eastern Congo and terrorize civilians in their quest for the country’s mineral riches. “On paper, peace had returned to my region in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo,” wrote a Congolese journalist in the New Humanitarian, after traveling to Uvira soon after the peace deal was signed in Washington. “Presidents had shaken hands, cameras had flashed, and Donald Trump had declared another war resolved. Yet every kilometer of the road ahead told a different story. It carried the smell of gunpowder and death, and the signs of people who had fled in desperation. It showed how words spoken from above dissolve the moment they reach the ground.” Meanwhile, rebel spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka told Turkey’s Anadolu Agency that the militia is “liberating” the region, justifying it as a humanitarian mission. Fighting between Rwanda-backed rebel groups and Congolese government forces has displaced more than 2 million people in the mineral-rich region in the past year, according to the Norwegian Refugee Council. Rwanda has deployed 7,000 troops in the country, saying it is doing so to prevent the violence from spilling over into its territory but in reality to gain control over the country’s mineral riches. The DRC is the world’s largest producer of cobalt and tantalum, and the second-largest producer of copper. It also holds lithium, tin and gold. Reuters recently reported that American companies are now in talks with the DRC government over mineral mines even as copper begins to flow to the US. Fighting in the DRC has been ongoing between rebel groups, numbering more than 100, and the central government since 1998. Numerous countries, including Rwanda and Burundi, have participated at different times, leading the conflict to be called Africa’s World War or the Great War of Africa. More than 5 million people have died in the fighting, millions more displaced: The DRC now hosts about 7 million internally displaced people. Also, the rebels have perpetrated mass killings against ethnic communities, torture, and forced deportations, human rights groups say. Meanwhile, in the so-called “liberated” areas such as Goma where rebels rule, life is precarious. Residents try to go about life as normal, try to earn a living and feed their families but it’s difficult when banks and ATMs are closed and public services like schools are shuttered and businesses are on the verge of closing, say residents. In downtown Goma, the once-bustling banking district is now a ghost town. At the nearby Kituku Market, the city’s main trading center, crowds descend on market days but buy very little. Espérance Mushashire, 44, a mother of 12, has been selling vegetables for years and told the Associated Press that now, many customers only come to inquire about prices, and then leave. “We buy at high prices, but we hardly sell anything,” she said. “Customers have no money left. Our children don’t even go to school anymore.” Congolese government forces have had limited success against the rebels. They recently retook the town of Uvira, for example, after M23’s attack that left bodies on the streets and blown-up buildings. American and Qatari diplomats have tried end the fighting – there have been multiple peace deals in the past year between the DRC and Rwanda, and the DRC and the M23. The diplomats have blamed Rwanda for continuing to fuel the hostilities while M23 rebels and Rwandan technicians loot gold and other mineral mines to the tune of $70 million. At the same time, DRC-backed groups smuggle gold from mines they control to Uganda, before it goes to the United Arab Emirates to be laundered. Too many people are getting rich to have any interest in stopping the war, analysts say. “The peace process has produced the signing of three peace accords… but on the ground, the conflict is worsening,” wrote Foreign Policy magazine. “The M23 significantly expanded its territory in 2025, and the DRC government collaborates with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, the remnants of the Rwandan genocidaires from 1994, and deadly armed groups such as the Wazalendo. A continued kleptocratic system, escalating repression (in the DRC) and an inability or unwillingness to protect civilians all fall on the DRC government.” The problem is, the magazine added, that there have been no “costs” for Rwanda’s invasion or the DRC government’s backing of armed groups as they “pillage” eastern Congo. “That is a recipe for continued war,” it added. “The growing risk is that the peace process will, in fact, lay the groundwork for a de facto partition of Congo.”

Ethiopia And Eritrea Are Playing A Dangerous Game

Ethiopia and Eritrea Are Playing a Dangerous Game of Risk ETHIOPIA/ ERITREA Eritrea and Ethiopia Earlier this month, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed claimed that his country’s neighbor, Eritrea, was sending arms to rebels in Ethiopia’s Amhara region. Abiy has similarly accused Eritrea of supporting the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, a once-dominant political force that fought a two-year war with the Ethiopian government. Eritrean leaders immediately denied the allegations and accused Ethiopia of “floating false flags to justify the war that it has been itching to unleash for two long years.” Now, the danger is that two trigger-happy leaders could easily ignite a war that engulfs the entire Horn of Africa and beyond. “(Ethiopia’s) recent history serves as a cautionary tale, revealing how quickly so-called peace can unravel,” wrote the Global Public Policy Institute in Berlin, Germany. “Eritrea, a pariah state and a daunting diplomatic challenge, remains a dangerous spoiler in the region. The Horn of Africa is already on the verge of collapse…” Eritrea was formerly part of the Ethiopian empire. After decades of fighting, the country won its independence in 1993, cutting off landlocked Ethiopia’s only access to the Red Sea. Another war between the two erupted five years later. The peace deal that Abiy brokered to end that conflict in 2018 earned him the Nobel Peace Prize. Since then, Eritrea aided Ethiopia in a brutal two-year civil war against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), as the Council on Foreign Relations explained. But Abiy excluded Eritrea from the 2022 peace deal that ended that fighting, effectively snubbing his neighbor, and leaving it feeling betrayed. Now Abiy is further alienating Eritrea by claiming that his country must control the Eritrean port of Assab, which is 40 miles from the Ethiopian border. Abiy insists he has “no intention of going to war with Eritrea.” “On the contrary, we are convinced that this issue can be resolved peacefully,” he said. However, he added, “Ethiopia’s request for access to the sea is irreversible.” Abiy is framing the port issue as vital to Ethiopia’s economy and security, according to London School of Economics’ Ruth Otim in a blog post. The Ethiopian leader has made similar arguments about the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which produces energy vital to the country but also threatens Egypt’s access to Nile water, noted the Reporter, an English-language publication that covers Ethiopia. Meanwhile, the TPLF said the accusations of collusion with Eritrea are “unfounded” and part of a “smear campaign”: Ethiopia is presenting “a dangerous inversion of reality,” in an “attempt to portray the aggressor as the victim and the victims as the aggressor.” Despite the denials and fighting in the civil war on opposite sides, Eritrea and Tigrayans have been working together since a split in the TPLF in 2023: That is when one faction led by the head of the interim administration of Tigray, Getachew Reda, allied with Abiy and the other led by TPLF Chairman Debretsion Gebremichael reject such a move, turning to Eritrea for support, in spite of the atrocities it committed in Tigray. For years, Abiy has been at war with other groups within his own border, which is threatening the frail unity of Ethiopia. For example, the government has been fighting insurgents in Oromia, Amhara and Somali Region. Along with the splinter Tigrayan group, Eritrea has been supporting the Fano rebels in Oromia and possibly other rebels. Meanwhile, Eritrea has also strengthened relations with Egypt recently, with Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi recently giving his “firm commitment to supporting Eritrea’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.” Egypt is currently at odds with Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. All of this is putting Ethiopia in a weak position, say analysts. “The (Ethiopian) forces are not ready for a new war, and Ethiopia is isolated in the region,” Ethiopia-based analyst Zehirun Hailu told World Politics Review, adding that in addition to tensions with Egypt and Eritrea, Ethiopia’s relations with Somalia remain complicated. “In this context, a new war would be disastrous.” Then there is the Sudan factor, say analysts, noting how the country is being pulled apart in a civil war supported by a number of foreign players, each with their own interests. Now, analysts say Sudan’s rebel Rapid Support Forces (RSF), with the help of the United Arab Emirates, are opening a new base of operations in the Benishangul-Gumuz region of Ethiopia, near the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, on Sudan’s eastern border. The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) recently accused Ethiopia of hosting, arming, and otherwise supporting the RSF. Since November, there has been an increase in suspected Emirati-linked weapons shipments and mercenary deployments to Ethiopia intended for the RSF. Eritrea, meanwhile, has been training SAF militias, as part of its security alliance with the Sudanese government. Analysts say Ethiopia’s growing involvement in Sudan’s civil war may lead to the SAF cooperating again with Eritrean-backed rebels in Ethiopia: Sudan’s government supported the TPLF during the Tigray war. “Ethiopia’s involvement in the civil war threatens to ignite already simmering tensions with neighboring Eritrea and Egypt in ways that could engulf the region and rapidly spread across the Red Sea,” wrote Cameron Hudson, a former US State Department official, and Liam Karr of the American Enterprise Institute in Foreign Policy. “Ethiopia’s entry could be just the pretext Eritrea’s Machiavellian strongman, Isaias Afwerki, needs to restart conflict with (Ethiopia)…Isaias sees Sudan as a proxy battlefield for his unresolved tensions with Ethiopia and has already capitalized on the war to deepen his ties to Sudan.” “The Red Sea region has already become one of the most hotly contested areas on Earth in recent months and years,” they added. “If Ethiopia emerges as a new front in Sudan’s civil war, this would exacerbate the world’s largest humanitarian and refugee crisis…threaten international commerce and would create opportunities for a host of malign actors, ranging from Russia and Iran to al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and the Houthis.”