Sunday, July 19, 2026
Why Didn't The Rhodesian Army Defeat The Insurgents?
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Rick Brindle
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Ex RAF Regiment, Registered Nurse, authorJun 4
If the Rhodesian soldiers were so effective, why did they lose the Bush War?
Winning the battles but losing the war springs to mind.
Let’s be clear, man for man, the Rhodesian soldiers were seriously effective. They were really well trained and highly motivated.
They were also surrounded.
At the time of the Bush War, there were about 300,000 white Rhodesians, controlling a country of 5 million black Rhodesians, and all of the power was in the hands of the whites.
Faced with those kind of numbers, it was never going to end well for the whites, and it’s a tribute to the Rhodesian war machine that the minority regime lasted as long as it did. It’s worth noting though, that black soldiers made up a big part of the Rhodesian military, and they fought very well.
At its peak, the Rhodesian Army numbered 20,000, the British South Africa Police, 40,000, the Air Force, 2,300. In total numbers, they faced a roughly equal number of insurgents/guerrillas/freedom fighters (delete as per opinion).
The Rhodesians had to concentrate their forces to meet the insurgent threat, and they developed a tactic called Fireforce, which was very effective.
Militarily, that worked.
Politically, it didn’t. The black population had to be won over, and that was a problem that the military couldn’t solve, and in all fairness, that wasn’t really their job.
There is a school of thought that the Bush War could have been won by both sides in 1979 with the Muzorewa government, and the Zimbabwe-Rhodesia situation.
And looking back, maybe it should have been left at that.
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Friday, July 17, 2026
Gold And Geopolitics Continue To Fuel Sudan's Civil War
Gold and Geopolitics Continue to Fuel Sudan’s Civil War as It Imperils El Obeid
SUDAN
Sudan
Nadjat Mohammed, a 43-year-old Sudanese civilian from Bara, in central Sudan, fled in September to El Obeid, the state capital, after the civil war reached her town.
The fighting pitted the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), the national army, against the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group battling the army for the country’s control. Now the RSF, accused by the United Nations and rights groups of crimes against humanity, is threatening El Obeid, too, leaving Mohammed facing the prospect of being uprooted again.
“The war is hunting us down,” Mohammed told Le Monde. “We are being displaced like cattle.”
The fighting has now spread deeper into central Sudan, leaving El Obeid under siege. The war, in its fourth year, has already displaced more than 14 million people and killed at least 59,000, though some estimates put the toll far higher.
The war began in April 2023 as a power struggle between Sudan’s army and the RSF, but has evolved into a conflict sustained by foreign arms, illicit gold and regional rivalries. The United Arab Emirates, drawn by Sudan’s mineral wealth, has been accused of routing arms, fuel and mercenaries to the RSF through Chad, Libya and Ethiopia. The US and Britain have sanctioned RSF figures, but not the UAE, a key Gulf energy and finance partner of the West. Egypt, alarmed by instability on its border and the RSF’s rise, backs the army with military aid.
Because of the politics involved and riches to be had, both in Sudan and outside of it, there is little chance of the war stopping anytime soon, analysts say.
“Although its roots are domestic, it is non-Sudanese actors that have kept the war alive,” wrote British think tank Chatham House. “Externally procured weapons and cross-border logistical pipelines have sustained the battlefield capacity of both the SAF and RSF. … The UAE’s role in sustaining the war remains the most consequential, and the most documented.”
“The multi-billion-dollar trade of gold sustains and shapes Sudan’s conflict,” it added.
Human rights groups and UN officials have accused the RSF of mass killings, ethnic cleansing and other atrocities, warning that its advance on El Obeid could lead to another catastrophe, as occurred in El-Fasher, which the RSF captured after a brutal siege.
The UAE’s role is especially explosive, even as it vociferously denies involvement. Its ties to the RSF predate the war, and its involvement is not just ideological, analysts say. RSF fighters served Emirati interests in Yemen and Libya, while analysts say Abu Dhabi now sees the force as a means to grow its power in Sudan and the Red Sea as well as keep it supplied in gold. The RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, built his wealth and power through Darfur’s gold trade with the UAE.
Sudan produced about 80 tons of gold worth more than $6 billion in 2024, with more than half smuggled to countries including the UAE. “Dubai is the world’s largest gold market, and Sudan has immense reserves,” Marc Lavergne, emeritus research director at the French National Centre for Scientific Research, told Radio France Internationale. “Miners are controlled by the RSF, who collect the gold and bypass the central bank and official channels. The gold is then flown directly to Dubai to be refined. This ensures the prosperity of the RSF and, at the same time, that of Dubai.”
Sudan sued the UAE at the International Court of Justice in March 2025, accusing it of complicity in genocide by the RSF in Darfur. The court threw out the case in May, citing a UAE opt-out that critics say weakens accountability for such crimes. The UAE continued to deny its role in the war during the case.
Meanwhile, UN investigators and rights groups have accused the SAF of unlawful killings, indiscriminate airstrikes and other abuses, too, though the RSF has faced the most extensive allegations of ethnic cleansing and genocide in Darfur.
The imbalance has raised questions about why the UAE has faced so little direct pressure even as its regional ambitions have fueled conflicts across the region, said a commentary in the Guardian.
“But it has been supported in that by the US and the UK, not only political allies but financial beneficiaries,” it said. “Both countries have gone to farcical lengths to express concern over the war in Sudan while avoiding any mention of the UAE.”
In the absence of pressure, El Obeid remains at grave risk of falling. In the meantime, it’s sheltering thousands of civilians who face daily drone strikes and hunger.
“In El Obeid, families are starving while dodging indiscriminate attacks just to stay alive,” said Norwegian Refugee Council Secretary General Jan Egeland. “The world has been warned about this crisis and let it happen anyway.”
Tuesday, July 14, 2026
Sudanese Court Sentences RSF Leader To Death for War Crimes and Genocide
Sudanese Court Sentences RSF Leader to Death for War Crimes and Genocide
SUDAN
Sudan
A Sudanese court on Sunday sentenced Rapid Support Forces (RSF) leader Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo and 15 co-defendants to death in absentia for war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide and the killing of West Darfur Governor Khamis Abbakar.
The ruling, issued by a court in the army-controlled city of Port Sudan, marks the first judicial conviction of the RSF’s senior leadership since Sudan’s civil war erupted in April 2023.
The case focused on the June 2023 killing of Abbakar, who was slain hours after publicly accusing the RSF and allied Arab militias of targeting civilians in West Darfur. The charges also relate to widespread war crimes committed during the RSF’s capture of El Geneina, where United Nations experts estimated that between 10,000 and 15,000 people, predominantly from the Massalit ethnic community, were killed.
Those sentenced include Dagalo’s brother and deputy, Abdel-Rahim Hamdan Dagalo, along with a number of RSF commanders and tribal leaders. The court announced it would forward the case to Sudan’s Supreme Court for review, as well as seek the arrest and extradition of those convicted through Interpol and other international mechanisms.
The international community has accused the RSF of genocide and both the RSF and the Sudanese army of war crimes and other abuses, allegations both sides deny. The verdict represents a symbolic legal step by the Sudanese judicial system, although the defendants remain outside government custody and the likelihood of enforcement is uncertain.
The ruling comes amid Sudan’s civil war, which began in April 2023 after a power struggle between army chief Abdel-Fattah Burhan and Dagalo following their joint role in the 2021 military coup.
Now entering its fourth year, the conflict has killed tens of thousands of people, displaced more than 11 million, and created what the United Nations describes as the world’s largest displacement and hunger crisis, with no political resolution currently in sight.
Sunday, July 12, 2026
One Million South Africans Say Goodbye To Medical Aide
1 million South Africans say goodbye to medical aid
Is the sun beginning to set on medical aids in South Africa? Recent data shows medical schemes have lost more than 1 million members.
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By Mary Alson
09-07-26 16:53
in News
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Medical aid becomes to expensive for consumers. Image: Pexels
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In the current economic climate, South Africans are opting out of expensive medical aid schemes. Rather than spend their salaries on medical aid, consumers are choosing hospital and healthcare plans.
According to experts, this consumer action is making the model unsustainable.
Medical Aid Membership Declines
The tide is turning for medical schemes. Despite generating billions, these schemes have to extract value from a declining customer base.
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According to data from Statistics South Africa (Stats SA), fewer South African households have medical aid today than 10 years ago.
Medical aid membership declined from 18.1% of the population in 2014 to 15.5% in 2024.
Dr. Paula Armstrong, speaking at the Board of Healthcare Funders conference, explained, according to Business Day, that if membership grew in relation to population growth, there would be 10.4 million medical aid beneficiaries. However, there are only 9.17 million beneficiaries, a deficit of 1.24 million members.
Medical Schemes Face Collapse
In an interview with CNBC Africa, Luyanda Njilo, Senior Equity Research Analyst at Nedbank CIB, explained that medical schemes fund their business model through contributions.
They rely on premiums from younger and healthier members to subsidise the cost of medical care for older members. But with youth unemployment rising, that model risks becoming unsustainable.
When asked why membership is declining, Njilo noted that the “main issue is affordability.”
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The cost of living had increased, but salaries were lagging.
If medical aid fees increased by 10% annually, but salaries only increased at the rate of inflation, young people couldn’t justify the cost of membership.
Njilo explained that the thinking among younger people was to opt out while they were still in their 20s. Then, when they reach their 30s, they would join.
Consumers Search for Alternatives to Medical Aid
Medical aid typically costs R2 000 for the primary beneficiary. Despite this cost, members may still have to pay some medical expenses out of pocket.
A growing number of working South Africans are choosing to self-fund their medical costs. Those who don’t want to rely on savings or credit are choosing to leverage health care plans and hospital cover.
This type of health care cover, offered by the likes of Dischem, has helped make access to private medical care more affordable for thousands of South Africans.
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Seven Beautiful South African Small Towns
7 South African towns that look like they’re straight out of a postcard
Some South African small town destinations are so picturesque they look like they’ve been lifted from a postcard. Take a look…
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By Sundeeka Mungroo
10-07-26 11:45
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Stanford, Western Cape. Image: Matt MacGillivray / Flickr
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Some places simply stop you in your tracks.
Whether it’s colourful cottages framed by mountains, whitewashed fishing villages overlooking turquoise water or tree-lined streets that seem frozen in time, South Africa is filled with towns so picturesque they hardly look real.
They’re the kind of destinations where every corner seems made for a photograph and where even a quick coffee stop somehow turns into an afternoon spent wandering the streets.
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If you’re planning your next road trip or simply looking for inspiration, these seven towns are as close to postcard-perfect as South Africa gets.
1. Matjiesfontein
Lord Milner Hotel, Matjiesfontein. Image: wikimedia commons
Stepping into Matjiesfontein feels like stepping back more than a century.
This tiny Karoo village has preserved much of its Victorian charm, with beautifully restored heritage buildings, red post boxes, old-fashioned street lamps and the grand Lord Milner Hotel standing proudly at its centre.
Because so much of the town has remained unchanged, every street seems ready-made for a vintage postcard.
2. Kaapschehoop
Landscape in Kaapschehoop. Image: canva
Perched high above the Lowveld escarpment, Kaapschehoop is one of South Africa’s most enchanting villages.
Wild horses roam freely through its quiet streets, mist regularly drifts between the trees, and sweeping viewpoints stretch for kilometres across the valleys below.
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On some mornings, the clouds sit beneath the town, making it feel as though it’s floating above the landscape.
3. Stanford
south african towns small towns
Winelands near Stanford, Western Cape. Image: canva
Often overshadowed by nearby Hermanus, Stanford quietly delivers some of the Western Cape’s prettiest scenery.
Historic white cottages line peaceful streets shaded by oak trees, while the nearby Klein River winds lazily through green farmland.
The slower pace of life, combined with mountain backdrops and beautifully preserved architecture, makes every stroll feel like a scene from a storybook.
4. Franschhoek
Franschhoek, Western Cape. Image: canva
Few places combine natural beauty and elegance quite like Franschhoek.
Nestled in a valley surrounded by towering mountains, the town is famous for its Cape Dutch architecture, vineyards and tree-lined streets.
Every season offers something different. Summer brings green vineyards, autumn paints the valley in shades of gold and red, while winter often dusts the surrounding peaks with snow.
Add world-class restaurants and boutique cafés, and it’s easy to understand why this South African town appears on so many travel bucket lists.
5. Hermanus
south african towns small towns
Hermanus, Western Cape. Image: canva
While famous for whale watching, Hermanus is equally photogenic.
Its dramatic cliffs, colourful fynbos, crashing waves and spectacular coastal walks create some of the country’s most beautiful ocean views.
Whether you’re photographing the coastline or simply enjoying the scenery from one of the cliff-top benches, Hermanus rarely disappoints.
6. Wakkerstroom
Wakkerstroom, Mpumalanga. Image: wikimedia commons
Rolling grasslands surround one of South Africa’s most underrated towns.
Historic buildings, quiet streets and nearby wetlands attract birdwatchers from around the world, while winter often blankets the landscape in frost before revealing bright blue skies.
Wakkerstroom is a place where every season creates a different picture.
7. Cullinan
south african towns small towns
A sandstone house in Cullinan, Gauteng. Image: wikimedia commons
Most people know Cullinan for its famous diamond mine, but the town itself is every bit as impressive.
Its sandstone buildings, jacaranda-lined streets and beautifully preserved mining-era architecture create a timeless atmosphere just a short drive from Pretoria.
Antique shops, cafés and boutique guesthouses add even more charm, making this South African town an easy weekend escape.
Which other town would you add to this list? Let us know in the comments below.
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Friday, July 10, 2026
South Africa: Thousands Flee As Anti Migrant Protests Grow
In South Africa, Thousands Flee as Anti-Migrant Protests Grow
SOUTH AFRICA
South Africa
For months, thousands of anti-immigrant protesters with sticks and signs have been marching through the streets of Johannesburg, Durban, Cape Town and other South African cities chanting “Abahambe” (“they must go” in Zulu) and ‘arresting’ those they deem immigrants.
The demonstrators have attacked foreign-owned businesses, chased people from their homes and stopped foreigners from entering clinics and hospitals. They set a deadline for foreigners to leave, or else.
Some immigrants are listening. Thousands of Malawians, Zimbabweans and other Africans have begged their countries to rescue them. Some countries, such as Nigeria and Ghana, alarmed at the spiraling violence over the past few months – the demonstrators have already killed at least four foreigners – have already moved quickly to repatriate their citizens.
For those foreigners who are still in the country, fear is rising.
“They tell me to go back to my country – I can’t, I still remember what happened to me,” Bona Mapezi Bahati, 33, who is eight months pregnant, told NPR, describing how she fled the Democratic Republic of the Congo as a teenager 15 years ago after being gang-raped by members of a militia in the war-torn nation.
“My kids are scared,” she added from her home in a Johannesburg slum. “I’ve told them if the protesters come, you must run away and hide because there’s nothing I can do. I feel so sad, especially as I’m pregnant, I’m scared they’ll kill me. It’s like I’m in Congo. I feel like it’s a war zone here.”
Late last month, thousands of South Africans held the biggest demonstrations yet against migration since 2008, when anti-immigrant protesters killed more than 60 people. One of the leaders of a protest group called March and March, is a former radio presenter from Durban named Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma. She says it’s time for South Africans to take back their country.
“South Africa will be great again,” she said. “It just needs all of us to rise and defeat our enemy.”
Other groups participating, such as Operation Dudula, (“force out” in Zulu) have joined in, as have some political parties with an eye toward local elections later this year. They all say immigrants have promoted crime and stolen jobs from South Africans in a country where the unemployment rate tops 30 percent, and more than 60 percent among 15-to-24-year-olds, and violent crime rates are some of the highest in the world. They argue foreign nationals are burdening already strained public services.
Ngizwe Mchunu, one of the protest leaders, told the Associated Press that he blamed illegal migration for a proliferation of illicit drugs in South Africa and says informal neighborhood shops run by immigrants should all be owned by South Africans.
“It’s a very sad story that we have been telling our government since the dawn of democracy that illegal immigration here is out of hand,” Mchunu said. “It is time for our government to put South Africa first.”
South Africa, one of Africa’s largest economies and a nation of 63 million people, has long attracted migrants seeking work or refuge. Official data puts the migrant population at 3.1 million, or about 4.1 percent of the population, while anti-immigration groups claim there are roughly as many undocumented migrants, although there are no official figures.
Meanwhile, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa has tried to calm the protests.
He has promised to tighten borders, crack down on undocumented immigrants, and address the economic grievances.
“We recognize that many communities are frustrated by crime, unemployment and pressure on public services,” he said recently. “The roots of these challenges lie primarily in inequality, slow economic growth and weaknesses in service delivery. Addressing these challenges requires practical solutions, not the scapegoating of vulnerable people.”
Analysts say the country’s problems largely stem from years of poor governance, corruption, industrial decline and weak growth following the end of apartheid in 1994. They add that the president is correct when he notes that the anti-immigrant backlash is a result of the inequality that is a legacy of apartheid.
More than three decades after that system was dismantled, the inequality it entrenched has endured. South Africa’s economy is still dominated by wealth and ownership patterns that heavily favor the White minority. Meanwhile, much of the Black majority still lives in poverty, with limited job opportunities and growing disillusionment with a democracy many feel has failed to deliver.
Researchers at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg found that less than 4 percent of formal jobs are held by foreigners, adding that even giving every foreign-held job to South Africans would cut unemployment by only six points.
“The question is not whether these grievances have merit. They do. It’s whether immigrants are, in fact, responsible for them,” they said.
That’s cold comfort for migrants like Top of Form
38-year-old Nyirenda from Malawi, who’s been in South Africa since he was 22 and works as a gardener. He’s not waiting around for the situation to calm down. He got the message after two men threatened him last month.
“They asked me: ‘When are you going to leave the country? We want to fix our country. If you don’t leave now, you’re going to leave in a coffin…,’” he told CNN.
“They (the protesters) only have energy (to target) fellow poor Black Africans,” he added. “But why fight someone who is hungry like you while leaving the ones who have taken all your wealth?”
Wednesday, July 1, 2026
Thousands of Protestors In South Africa Demand Removal Of Undocumented Migrants
Thousands of Protesters in South Africa Demand Removal of Undocumented Migrants
SOUTH AFRICA
South Africa
Thousands of demonstrators marched across South Africa on Tuesday to demand that undocumented migrants leave the country, prompting authorities to deploy a heavy police presence as officials warned against violence.
The protests, organized by the group March and March, took place in major cities, including Johannesburg, Pretoria and Durban. Police said thousands of officers were deployed to prevent clashes following attacks on foreign nationals in recent months.
President Cyril Ramaphosa urged demonstrators to protest peacefully, adding that immigration enforcement must remain the responsibility of the government.
The demonstrations follow months of escalating anti-migrant sentiment in the context of South Africa’s economic struggles. The country’s 30 percent unemployment rate and persistent inequalities have sparked claims about undocumented migrants taking jobs and increasing crime rates. An Afrobarometer survey found that most South Africans view immigration negatively, with seven in 10 saying immigrants hurt the economy and 85 percent supporting tighter restrictions on refugees.
Around 25,000 migrants from countries including Zimbabwe, Malawi and Mozambique have returned home in fear of the violence. Nigeria has separately flown out around 600 of its citizens. Government officials have said the protests have mostly been peaceful, aside from a few incidents including protesters throwing bricks in Yeoville, a suburb of Johannesburg.
South Africa has experienced large-scale xenophobic violence in the past, with a 2008 attack on foreign nationals killing more than 60 people and displacing thousands. Similar outbreaks occurred in 2015 and 2019.
National statistics from 2023 show migrants made up a little more than 4 percent of South Africa’s population, a lower share than in other Anglophone countries such as Canada, where migrants account for 22 percent, according to United Nations data.
Anti-migrant advocates claim the figures do not include undocumented migrants, but officials insist they use census data that is designed to capture them too.
Niger Becomes A Battlefield For Islamic State and Al Qaeda
Niger Becomes a Battlefield for Islamic State and al-Qaeda as They Expand in the Sahel
NIGER
Niger
Earlier this month, gunmen stormed Niger’s main airport in the capital, Niamey. It was the second attack this year on the facility.
The first, in January, was claimed by Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP). The second, which killed 11 soldiers and two civilians, was claimed by ISSP’s rival, the al-Qaeda-linked Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM).
The airport is a strategic target because it hosts military facilities, drone infrastructure and the headquarters of the Alliance of Sahel States, the bloc formed by Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso after their juntas seized power promising to defeat Islamist insurgencies. For militants, striking is a way to expose the gap between the juntas’ promises and their results and send a warning about the government’s shrinking control as the country becomes caught in a war between two competing terror groups.
“(The earlier attack, in January,) shattered the city’s long-held reputation as a safer haven than its regional counterparts,” World Politics Review wrote. “The attack confirms both the growing strength and the strategic evolution of jihadist groups in the region, enabled by their expanding capabilities.”
The attack shows Niger edging toward the dangerous pattern already seen in Mali and Burkina Faso in the central Sahel, analysts say. Islamist militants are pushing beyond rural strongholds to test state nerve centers, exploit broken regional ties and challenge government control. Niger is not lost yet, but unless it rebuilds intelligence, cooperation and civilian trust fast, it may soon be fighting to hold much more than its borders, analysts add.
The airport attack “highlights a dangerous escalation in both the capability and ambition of these groups, marking a departure from localized rural insurgencies to coordinated strikes on vital national infrastructure,” said Héni Nsaibia, senior West Africa analyst at the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED). “The attack also fits a broader regional pattern of jihadist groups expanding their operational reach toward major population centers and critical infrastructure.”
Niger now sits between overlapping jihadist theaters. JNIM is stronger across Mali and Burkina Faso, while Islamic State’s Sahel branch, known as Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP), has built strength in western Niger and near routes toward Nigeria. The groups are rivals, but their competition can make the violence worse, not better, as each tries to prove reach, power and relevance. Niger recorded more than 1,900 violent deaths in 2025, with ISSP, JNIM and the Nigerien military all linked to civilian harm.
“Niger is a territory of competition between them,” Wassim Nasr, a senior research fellow at the Soufan Center, told the Associated Press. “If JNIM loses the upper hand in Niger against the Islamic State, it will jeopardize its upper hand in Mali and Burkina Faso. … You have an open space like the Wild West, where each is looking to mark its territory.”
The junta’s answer has been to promise more force and blame outsiders. After taking power in 2023, Niger’s junta expelled French and US forces and turned toward Russia. Niger then joined Mali and Burkina Faso in leaving the powerful regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), weakening the regional cooperation needed against groups that cross borders with ease while aiming to expand to the coastal areas, analysts say.
Some analysts argue that Niger remains better positioned than Mali and Burkina Faso to combat the insurgency. “Niger’s military is seen as more professional and disciplined than its Malian and Burkinabe counterparts,” the Sahel Research Group wrote. Niger has also largely avoided relying on civilian or ethnic militias, it added. Its capital is not under the kind of pressure Mali’s capital, Bamako, faced during JNIM’s recent fuel blockade, its government has not lost the same breadth of territory as Burkina Faso and its security forces repelled both airport assaults.
Those advantages may buy Niger time, but not a way out. Analysts say it needs to rebuild the strategy weakened after Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani seized power in the 2023 coup. That means restoring security partnerships that provide intelligence and training, reviving cross-border cooperation against militants and showing restraint at home to avoid worsening grievances that insurgents exploit.
“Niger before the coup was pursuing a strategy that was, by realist standards, coherent: building a balance of power through alliances and managing threats with available capacity,” Modern Diplomacy wrote. “The junta dismantled that strategy, triggered a new security dilemma, and worsened the very conditions it claimed to be remedying.”
Thursday, June 11, 2026
As Ebola Spreads, The DRC Struggles To Contain It
As Ebola Spreads, the DRC Struggles to Contain It
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
At the epicenter of the latest Ebola outbreak, doctors despair.
At Mongbwalu General Hospital’s Ebola ward, patients young and old languish, and some are already dead. In a nearby ward, medical personnel lie sick and dying, after treating patients without protective gear, which is hard to come by in the town of Mongbwalu in northeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Relatives come at all hours, bringing food for the sick because there is none at the hospital, or wailing in grief because their loved one has died.
No one here has ever dealt with Ebola or even knows how to. Prior outbreaks had passed them by. As a result, local medical personnel couldn’t identify what was killing the people of their town for weeks. Now, the hospital, which finds itself in the middle of a growing crisis, is understaffed, under-resourced and overwhelmed.
Alex Bogole, a Congolese doctor in the intensive care department of the hospital, told the New York Times he is angry. The virus had been spreading for months, virtually unimpeded, “and this is the best we can do?” he wondered. He’s referring to the slow response by the government and the world.
“They hold meetings and meetings,” he said. “What is the purpose of these meetings? People are dying, people are getting infected, people are in danger. It’s very slow.”
The latest outbreak of Ebola was declared in the middle of May. But medical officials believe it’s been spreading for months undetected. Now they worry that it’s going to surpass the death toll of the last major outbreak: From 2014 to 2016, Ebola killed more than 11,000 people out of nearly 29,000 infected in West Africa. It was the largest and deadliest outbreak in history.
To date, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has reported 635 confirmed cases and 127 deaths from the Bundibugyo strain of Ebola. Uganda has reported 19 confirmed cases and two deaths.
There is no licensed vaccine or specific treatment for this strain. Now, scientists are scrambling to develop vaccines and treatments to stop Bundibugyo from spreading further.
The location of this outbreak is making it difficult, however. Mongbwalu is in Ituri province, a volatile region being fought over by armed groups, all competing for access to its gold and other minerals. It is part of the wider conflict zone in eastern Congo, where Rwanda-backed M23 rebels have seized large amounts of territory and are currently fighting government troops.
As a result, Mongbwalu attracts people from other areas displaced by the fighting, as well as those seeking work mining gold or selling to those who do. But as people come and go, they could easily spread Ebola, officials say.
Meanwhile, traditional burial practices in the Congo and elsewhere often involve family members touching the body of the deceased. But that can transmit the virus, doctors say. Officials have restricted traditional burials but those orders are being defied.
As a result, violence has broken out at the hospital and others in the region. In late May, dozens of locals attempted to storm the hospital to reclaim their loved ones’ remains. It was the third attack in a week. It also sent Ebola patients fleeing, potentially spreading the disease.
At the same time, some locals believe Ebola is a hoax.
One conspiracy theory is that nonprofit workers brought the disease to make money. Another is that the outbreak has been fabricated to frighten the population and gain access to minerals, including gold.
“We are looking at a lot of superstition and misinformation around this disease,” Saki Roger, a Congolese neurosurgeon who contracted Ebola during a prior outbreak in 2018 while treating a patient, told the Washington Post. Roger recounted how people with the illness are often rejected by their families.
Some infected people also shun the few health facilities that exist in the region. “Instead of coming to healthcare services, (the sick) take alternative solutions with traditional healers or other alternatives, and contribute further to spread the outbreak,” said Abdou Sebushishe, a medical doctor with the International Medical Corps in Goma in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, in an interview with CBS News.
Meanwhile, the US has moved to set up a facility in central Kenya for Americans exposed to the virus, setting off outrage across the country. Davji Atellah, a physician from the Kenya Medical Practitioners, Pharmacists and Dentists Union, said the group would not “sit back and watch Kenya be treated as a containment colony.”
“If it is too dangerous for America, it is too dangerous for Kenya,” he said.
While the government agreed to the proposal, a Kenyan court said no – at least for now.
Protests broke out over the issue this month, with demonstrators saying they don’t want Kenya to become a dumping ground for wealthy sick foreigners. Two people have died in the protests.
In Nanyuki, where the facility is to be located, locals worry about becoming infected with Ebola, which has not been reported in Kenya. They are also concerned about what Ebola infections could do to their lives, their livelihoods and their children, citing curfews and a disruption of business and education.
“What’s shocking is that the Americans don’t want their infected fellow citizens to step into their own country but to come to Kenya, David Mulinge, a souvenir seller, told the Guardian. “That’s like treating us as lesser beings.”
Monday, June 1, 2026
Ethiopia: Conflicts Pull The Country Apart
Ethiopia’s Leader Touts Unity as Conflicts Pull It Apart
ETHIOPIA
Ethiopia
The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention recently sounded the alarm about violence against the ethnic Amhara community in Ethiopia.
In an alert, the US-based organization said the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and other groups, including the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), have been systematically raping, displacing and killing the Amhara, who are largely Christian and trace their heritage to the imperial dynasty that ruled the Horn of Africa country from 1270 through the early 1970s.
“The killings, the targeting of the youth, the systematic sexual and gender-based violence, the enforced disappearances, and the deliberate destruction of private property showcase a coordinated campaign against the Amhara, intended to destroy their communities and threaten their survival as a people,” it said.
And while Abiy and the TPLF have both been accused of targeting the Amhara, they continue to fight each other for control of Tigray, a restive region where TPLF fighters had been in full-scale revolt against the central government before a fragile peace took hold in 2022, one that analysts say is disintegrating.
The TPLF ran the country until Abiy took power in 2018. Abiy then won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for ending Ethiopia’s war against Eritrea. In his early years, he won Western plaudits for ushering in political reforms, privatizing state-owned enterprises, spending big on infrastructure, and welcoming foreign investment to stoke an economic boom. IMF Chief Kristalina Georgieva recently hailed Ethiopia’s economic progress, noting one of the highest economic growth rates in Africa.
And Abiy has more ambitious plans for the country: While Ethiopia has long been associated with famine, the country is now working on becoming self-sufficient in food production.
Abiy’s tenure has stoked controversies, however. Critics say he has consolidated power in ways that have favored his Prosperity Party and fellow Oromo, members of Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, while cracking down on human rights activists, dissidents, journalists and others who criticize his policies. Critics also accuse the prime minister of stoking division at home to expand his power even as his government boasts that Ethiopia is more united than ever.
In fact, analysts say Abiy has been at war with other groups within Ethiopia’s borders for years, which is threatening the fragile unity of Ethiopia. For example, the government has been fighting insurgents in Oromia, Amhara – the country’s second-largest region – and the Somali Region.
Meanwhile, Tigray is heating up again. The TPLF recently pushed out government-backed regional leader Tadesse Werede and reinstated the prewar regional council. The move was led by TPLF chair Debretsion Gebremichael, who was the region’s leader during the 2020-2022 war between Tigray and the federal government. Now the Ethiopian government accuses Eritrea, which helped the government during that war and committed atrocities in Tigray, of working with the TPLF. Analysts say another war in Tigray is likely: The peace agreement is disintegrating with the TPLF ouster of Tadesse Werede.
Eritrea, which felt betrayed by the 2022 peace agreement, has been supporting the Fano rebels in Amhara and other rebel groups in Oromia.
As a result, analysts believe another war with Eritrea is brewing, too, especially because of Ethiopia’s renewed demand for access to the Eritrean port of Assab on the Red Sea, 40 miles from the Ethiopian border. Eritrea accuses Ethiopia of wanting to reverse its secession from that country three decades ago.
At the same time, Ethiopia has a strained relationship with Egypt over its Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and is in growing danger of becoming a new front in Sudan’s civil war.
Analysts say Sudan’s rebel Rapid Support Forces (RSF) may have a new base of operations in the Benishangul-Gumuz region of Ethiopia, near the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, on Sudan’s eastern border.
The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have accused Ethiopia of hosting, arming and otherwise supporting the RSF. Analysts say Ethiopia’s growing involvement in Sudan’s civil war may push the SAF closer to Eritrea and Eritrean-backed rebels in Ethiopia. Sudan’s government supported the TPLF during the Tigray war.
Commentators say that Ethiopia is in a volatile situation of its own making. “Growing friction between Ethiopia and its neighbors has added to the volatile mix as diplomatic disputes threaten to escalate into proxy fights or even open confrontation,” wrote Foreign Affairs.
This backdrop is one reason why Africa Center researchers are wondering if parliamentary elections in Ethiopia on June 1 will yield stability or empower the centrifugal forces that threaten to rip the country apart.
The prime minister’s Prosperity Party is expected to win easily in elections analysts say are just a formality. While opposition candidates complain of harassment, the Prosperity Party is running uncontested in 64 of the country’s 547 constituencies. No voting will occur in Tigray and parts of Amhara.
Abiy will keep his job, say observers. Whether or not he can keep the country together is another matter.
Tuesday, May 26, 2026
Congo: Violence Disrupts Ebola Response
Violence Disrupts Ebola Response as Cases Surge in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
Angry young men stormed a hospital treating Ebola patients in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo on Sunday as suspected cases of the disease surged past 900 and infections spread into neighboring Uganda, complicating efforts to contain the outbreak.
Gunfire erupted around Mongbwalu General Hospital in Ituri province after attackers demanded that the bodies of two relatives be handed over, according to medical staff.
Sunday’s attack was the third in a week targeting healthcare facilities responding to the outbreak.
On Saturday, residents in Mongbwalu burned down a treatment tent run by Doctors Without Borders, allowing 18 suspected Ebola patients to flee. Another treatment center in Rwampara was torched Thursday after relatives were prevented from retrieving the body of a man suspected of dying from Ebola.
Observers noted that the violence reflects growing fear and distrust among residents as authorities impose strict burial measures because Ebola victims’ bodies can remain highly contagious.
On Friday, DRC banned funeral wakes and gatherings of more than 50 people in northeastern parts of the country.
The recent outbreak is caused by the Bundibugyo strain, which spread undetected for weeks before authorities declared the outbreak in mid-May. Last week, the World Health Organization declared the outbreak a Public Health Emergency of International Concern, warning that rising infections in DRC and Uganda point to a potentially larger regional outbreak.
On Sunday, Congolese authorities said there were 904 suspected Ebola cases, mostly in Ituri province, where confirmed cases have surpassed 100. Officials also reported 119 suspected deaths, although figures released separately for each region added up to 220 deaths. Officials could not immediately explain the discrepancy.
Meanwhile, WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said Monday that at least 220 people were now suspected to have died and warned health workers were “playing catch-up” after delays in detecting the outbreak.
Elsewhere, Uganda has confirmed seven linked infections after two new cases were reported Monday.
The WHO noted that while the outbreak poses a “very high” risk for DRC, the risk of global spread remains low. The organization’s officials added that scientists at Britain’s University of Oxford are working on a vaccine that could begin clinical trials soon.
Tuesday, May 19, 2026
Congo: New Ebola Strain Kills 130, WHO Declares Emergency
New Ebola Strain Kills More Than 130 in Congo as WHO Declares Emergency
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
A fast-moving Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has killed more than 130 people and prompted the World Health Organization to declare an international health emergency, amid fears the virus could spread across central and eastern Africa.
Health officials said the outbreak was caused by the Bundibugyo strain of Ebola, which was first identified in 2007. It has no approved vaccine. The strain has a fatality rate of up to 50 percent.
The virus was first detected late last month in a nurse in Bunia, in eastern Congo. Additional cases have since been reported in that region and in neighboring Uganda.
The DRC health ministry has recorded more than 513 suspected cases and at least 131 deaths. On Monday, officials also reported that at least six US citizens had been exposed to the virus.
Authorities and civil society groups warned that the outbreak is spreading in densely populated eastern regions affected by years of conflict and weak infrastructure. Among the areas of concern is the eastern city of Goma, which is currently occupied by rebel forces.
Officials said insecurity and poor healthcare access could hamper efforts to contain the virus and sparked fears that cases could be underreported.
The WHO said the outbreak constitutes a Public Health Emergency of International Concern, the organization’s second-highest alert level. The organization warned that the high positivity rate, confirmed cases in two countries and rising reports of suspected infections “all point towards a potentially much larger outbreak.”
The WHO advised DRC and Uganda to introduce cross-border screening measures to limit further spread. Neighboring Rwanda announced it would tighten screening along its border with DRC as a “precautionary measure,” while Nigeria said it was “closely monitoring the situation.”
This is the 17th Ebola outbreak recorded in DRC. The country’s deadliest outbreak, between 2018 and 2020, killed nearly 2,300 people.
Ebola spreads through bodily fluids and can cause fever, vomiting and hemorrhaging. The incubation period can last up to 21 days.
Monday, May 11, 2026
Botswana Bets That Diamonds Are Forever
Botswana Bets That ‘Diamonds Are Forever’
BOTSWANA
Botswana
In a village outside Botswana’s capital, Gaborone, Keorapetse Koko sat on an aging couch, facing the collapse of a career built on diamonds.
“I have debts and I don’t know how I am going to pay them,” the mother of two told the Associated Press. “Every month (creditors) call me asking for money. But where do I get it?”
Koko lost her job in 2024, becoming one of many diamond workers pushed out of the industry as inexpensive laboratory-grown stones made in China and India cut into Africa’s natural diamond trade.
“The appeal of diamonds was always partly based on scarcity – and now they are no longer scarce,” mining historian Duncan Money told the Continent, an African weekly.
For Botswana, the question is no longer whether diamonds are forever, but whether the country can afford to bet even more heavily on them. The government is currently trying to buy more control over De Beers, the diamond giant at the center of its economy. Botswana already owns 15 percent of the company, while Anglo American, the firm’s parent, owns the remaining 85 percent and wants to sell.
A mid-April deadline for potential buyers to bid for Anglo American’s stake passed without a buyer being publicly named. Anglo said in its April 28 quarterly statement that the sale is still ongoing.
“Buying De Beers is a risky undertaking – we do not have the money to buy De Beers,” Keith Jefferis, a former deputy governor of the Bank of Botswana, told business news publication the Executive. “We would have to borrow and repay that debt, and that is highly risky given diamond market performance and our current fiscal position.”
Jefferis, managing director of Econsult Botswana, also warned that if De Beers struggled, Botswana might have to use tax revenue to prop it up, further straining public finances.
The risks are already visible. Mining and Quarrying – official categories in the country – dropped 14 percent last year, while Diamond Traders, which refers to the buying, sorting, valuing, marketing and selling of diamonds, fell 17.6 percent. Botswana ended 2025 with 12 million carats of unsold rough diamonds in stock, nearly double the target of 6.5 million carats.
It is easy to see why Anglo American wants to shed De Beers. But Botswana wants more of it because diamonds remain too important to leave to someone else.
Botswana’s President Duma Boko says the larger stake is a strategic necessity. Mines Minister Bogolo Kenewendo told the Financial Times that Boko wanted “to ensure Botswana’s full control over this strategic national asset and the entire value chain including marketing.”
The urgency is also political. Boko is under growing pressure less than two years after winning office in November 2024 on promises to raise the minimum wage and increase student allowances. But the diamond slump has hit state revenues and public services, while the economy shrank in 2024 and 2025. The stones account for about 80 percent of exports and roughly a quarter of GDP. When the market weakens, the whole country feels it.
Diamonds turned Botswana from one of the world’s poorest countries into one of Africa’s most admired development stories, helping fund health care, education and infrastructure. Botswana is currently the world’s second-largest producer behind Russia, but that ranking offers less comfort than it once did.
Boko has acknowledged that Botswana cannot keep relying so heavily on diamonds. “We’re looking to diversify…,” he told Reuters, explaining the government would focus on the green economy, climate-smart agriculture, renewable energy and a broader mining sector.
Analysts said that the shift remained essential and that gaining more control of De Beers could not be a substitute for it.
“The diamond strategy must therefore interact with, and not compete with, other national priorities,” wrote investment firm AInvest. “This includes infrastructure investment and the development of other sectors to build a more resilient economy.”
For Joseph Tsimako, president of the Botswana Mine Workers Union, the stakes are counted in livelihoods, not strategy papers.
“Diamonds built our country,” Tsimako told diamond trading platform IDEX Online. “Now, as the world changes, we must find a way to make sure they don’t destroy the lives of the people who helped build it.”
South Africa's Top Court Revives Impeachment Case Against The President
South Africa’s Top Court Revives Impeachment Case Against President
SOUTH AFRICA
South Africa
South Africa’s Constitutional Court revived the impeachment process against President Cyril Ramaphosa on Friday, ruling that parliament acted unconstitutionally when it blocked an inquiry in 2022.
The case centers on a decision by the ruling African National Congress (ANC) to reject an impeachment inquiry after Ramaphosa became embroiled in an investigation into the theft of around $580,000 in cash hidden inside a sofa at his farmhouse in 2020.
The scandal, dubbed “Farmgate,” triggered accusations that Ramaphosa failed to properly account for the source of the money. An independent panel later found preliminary evidence that the president may have committed serious misconduct and recommended that parliament open an impeachment inquiry.
But the ANC used its parliamentary majority at the time to stop the proceedings.
On Friday, South Africa’s top court ruled that parliament’s decision “is inconsistent with the Constitution, invalid, and … is set aside.” Judges ordered that the independent panel’s report be referred to an impeachment committee.
The case was brought before the court by two opposition parties, the Economic Freedom Fighters and the African Transformation Movement, which have renewed calls for Ramaphosa to resign.
Ramaphosa has repeatedly denied wrongdoing. He said the money came from the sale of buffalo at his farm and rejected allegations that he tried to conceal the theft to avoid questions over why such a large amount of foreign currency was being stored on a private property instead of in a bank.
The impeachment committee will now review the evidence and decide whether to recommend formal proceedings against the president. Political analysts, however, said the process could take months and suggested Ramaphosa is likely to survive any eventual impeachment vote.
Removing the president through impeachment requires the support of two-thirds of parliament.
Friday, May 8, 2026
Zimbabwe To Return Seized Farms
Zimbabwe to Return Seized Farms and Pay Compensation to Foreign Landowners
ZIMBABWE
Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe said this week it will return 67 foreign-owned farms and pay $146 million in compensation to landowners whose properties were seized during its land reform program more than two decades ago.
Agriculture Minister Anxious Masuka told lawmakers that the agreement settles claims involving property owners from Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the former Yugoslavia. He added that the government would also return 840 affected farms owned by Black farmers and around 400 owned by white farmers.
The move stems from Zimbabwe’s violent land redistribution campaign launched in 2000 under then-President Robert Mugabe. Seeking to strengthen political support, Mugabe encouraged Black subsistence farmers and youths to seize land from white commercial farmers, describing the policy as a correction of colonial-era injustices.
The seizures turned violent, with several white farmers and hundreds of their workers killed, while around 4,000 commercial farmers were forced off their land.
The land reform program triggered international sanctions against Zimbabwe and severely damaged investor confidence. It also contributed to the collapse of the country’s commercial agriculture sector, sharp declines in food production and years of hyperinflation.
In 2020, President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s administration agreed to pay $3.5 billion in compensation to white farmers in an attempt to restore relations with international creditors and regain access to global capital markets.
But authorities later revised the compensation plan to include dollar-denominated bonds as part of the payout package, though many farmers rejected the new terms.
Saturday, April 25, 2026
Zimbabwe's Gold Boom Masks A Tarnished Core
Zimbabwe’s Gold Boom Masks a Tarnished Core
ZIMBABWE
Zimbabwe
Just a few years ago, economists labeled Zimbabwe’s economy a “basket case.” Now, they say it’s booming as it rides the waves of a gold rush.
That’s quite a turnaround for a country that not so long ago grappled with hyperinflation so extreme that most locals needed wheelbarrows of cash to buy groceries.
What’s fueled the boom has been the rising price of gold and other commodities. That, in turn, has been pouring cash into Zimbabwe’s informal economy, with some trickling down to the hundreds of thousands who work in small-scale mining, observers say.
“These youngsters are loaded,” one retailer in Mazowe, a gold-mining area north of the capital of Harare, told the Economist, describing a surge in spending on electronics and motorcycles.
Higher prices for other resources such as chrome, lithium and platinum are also boosting export earnings, bringing in more foreign currency, reducing the need to print money or once again replace the Zimbabwe dollar, and helping stabilize inflation. This has fueled economic growth, leading to one of the highest expansion rates in Africa.
The economy is booming, says President Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Still, the boom hasn’t been even or widespread. Zimbabweans say there is a massive and widening gap between official claims of growing prosperity and the everyday reality, with gains concentrated in pockets of the informal economy. Meanwhile, more than half of the population lives below the poverty line.
“To millions of suffering Zimbabweans trapped in deep poverty, hunger, unemployment, hyperinflation and hospitals (lacking drugs), to suggest that a lot has improved in the last five years is a gross insult,” said former Zimbabwean finance minister Tendai Biti. “This economy is… weighed down by massive corruption, incompetence and indifference. It is slowly heading for an implosion.”
Moreover, almost half of the country is worried about corruption siphoning off the benefits of the economic boom. Zimbabwe is one of the most corrupt countries in the world, with the president and his circle heavily involved, according to the US government, which placed sanctions on the president and other officials.
“Mnangagwa is involved in corrupt activities, in particular those relating to gold and diamond smuggling networks,” the US Treasury Department said. “Mnangagwa provides a protective shield to smugglers to operate in Zimbabwe and has directed Zimbabwean officials to facilitate the sale of gold and diamonds in illicit markets, taking bribes in exchange for his services.”
The current situation in the country has dashed the hopes that Zimbabweans had for the transformation of their country after long-time dictator Robert Mugabe was ousted in 2017 after 37 years. Mnangagwa, who took office soon after, promised economic revival and democratic reforms. Instead, Zimbabweans got more of the same, wrote the Bertelsmann Stiftung.
“The past seven years have been marked by increasing repression, a lack of reform, severe corruption and a deteriorating economic crisis,” it said. “The systematic and widespread attacks on the opposition and civil society have severely narrowed democratic space.”
Mnangagwa’s administration has cracked down severely on members of the opposition and activists, and has turned increasingly authoritarian, civil rights groups say. His government has operated a system similar to Mugabe’s, though analysts say it has evolved, with informal cash flows and resource booms reshaping who benefits.
“In recent years, the rise of the ‘mbinga’ (wealthy hustler) phenomenon and the president’s call to ‘make money’ have to be understood in this matrix of clientelism and patronage,” said the Institute for Security Studies. “Simply put, ‘Work with us, and limitless money-making opportunities abound’.”
The situation is leading to a power grab.
Recently, the government proposed constitutional changes to lengthen presidential terms from five to seven years, which means Mnangagwa, 83, would stay in power past 2028 – possibly for life. Another change would eliminate the direct election of the president, who would then be chosen by parliament.
That has some voters outraged.
Ishmael Phololo, a cellphone technician who runs a workshop in Harare, said lawmakers cannot be trusted to choose the president.
“A (lawmaker) cannot relate to the people’s woes because the moment they get in parliament, they get cars and allowances,” he told Al Jazeera. “If they want to have indefinite terms, they should just declare Zimbabwe a monarchy and stop pretending that we have democracy.”
Wednesday, April 15, 2026
South African Banking Giant To Quit England
South African banking giant set to quit UK after R17 billion hit
One of SA’s most valuable banks is exiting the United Kingdom following a ‘disproportionate’ motor finance hit.
By SAPeople Staff Writer
08-04-26 09:43
in Business and Finance
Stock image of a transaction showing a bank card, point of sale device and two people's hands. This image accompanies an article about FirstRand pulling out Aldermore and UK
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Image: Energepic via Pexels
One of South Africa’s most valuable banks, FirstRand, has announced its planned exit from the United Kingdom following a crippling UK motor finance hit.
The financial services giant will divest from its British challenger bank, Aldermore, after new regulations rendered its consumer finance operations financially unviable.
As reported, FirstRand has been forced to increase its provisions for mis-sold motor loans by £510 million (R11.9 billion) to a staggering £750 million (R17.7 billion). The group, which owns FNB, RMB and WesBank, stated that this massive financial blow heavily outweighs the £275 million in profit its motor finance division has generated over the past decade.
The FCA’s redress scheme
The controversy centres on MotoNovo, a vehicle finance company operating under the Aldermore Group umbrella.
In October 2024, the UK Court of Appeal ruled that several lenders had unlawfully arranged motor finance deals without adequately disclosing the commissions paid to car dealerships. Following further legal battles, the UK’s Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) introduced a redress scheme to compensate motorists, expecting the industry to pay out around £9.1 billion.
FirstRand – a top 10 South African employer in 2024 – has heavily criticised the FCA’s approach, labelling the final redress scheme as “disproportionate and unfair”. The group argued that the compensation model includes more customer contracts than initially anticipated and utilises a calculation method that is both unsubstantiated and ignores lender costs.
Aldermore divestment and future outlook
Founded in 2009 and acquired by FirstRand in 2018 for £1.1 billion, Aldermore operates as a digital-only specialist bank serving small to medium-sized businesses and personal customers.
While FirstRand maintains that Aldermore is a sustainable business, the stringent requirements of the FCA scheme mean MotoNovo would require significant recapitalisation, severely constraining the capital available to fund further UK growth.
Consequently, the banking giant concluded that operating a UK consumer finance entity no longer aligns with its risk appetite or required financial returns.
FirstRand is currently working alongside the Aldermore board and regulators to facilitate an orderly transition of ownership. Due to the massive accounting provision, the group expects its full-year earnings to contract by between 10% and 15%.
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Tuesday, April 14, 2026
Nigerian Air Strike Targeting Militants Backfires-100 Civilians Killed
Nigerian Air Strike Targeting Militants Misfires, Killing More than 100 Civilians
NIGERIA
Nigeria
A Nigerian military strike targeting militants hit a northeast marketplace over the weekend, killing more than 100 civilians and injuring numerous others, prompting authorities to open an investigation as such errors have become a grim, recurring pattern.
The Nigerian Air Force said in a statement that it had dispatched a team “to immediately proceed to the location on a fact-finding mission on the allegation,” as officials continued to assess the aftermath of the strike.
While authorities acknowledged that an error had occurred, they did not release further details or confirm a final death toll.
However, human rights watchdog Amnesty International said survivors had told them that at least 100 people were killed in the airstrike, including many children.
The strike hit Jilli market near the border of Borno and Yobe states, where military aircraft had been targeting Islamist militants. The area is the epicenter of a jihadist insurgency that has plagued the region for more than a decade.
Local authorities in Yobe said the operation had been aimed at a stronghold of the Boko Haram militant group. A civilian security volunteer working with the Nigerian military in the northeast said intelligence showed the group’s militants were gathered near the market and were planning to strike surrounding communities.
Air raids are a common tactic in Nigeria’s fight against armed groups operating from forested areas, but they have repeatedly resulted in civilian deaths. An Associated Press tally found that at least 500 civilians have been killed in such incidents since 2017.
Analysts attribute the repeated errors to gaps in intelligence and weak coordination between ground forces, air units and other stakeholders.
Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, has been grappling for years with Boko Haram and other militant groups as well as kidnapping-for-ransom gangs in the northeast.
Friday, April 10, 2026
Nigeria Prosecutes More Than 500 For Terrorism In Mass Trial
Nigeria Prosecutes More than 500 For Terrorism in Mass Trial
NIGERIA
Nigeria
Nigeria began one of its largest terrorism trials this week, with more than 500 suspects facing prosecution over alleged involvement in militant attacks, as authorities seek to address escalating insecurity across the country.
The mass trial opened Tuesday at a high court in the capital Abuja, where 227 suspects were arraigned before 10 judges. The defendants face a range of charges related to aiding and abetting terrorism, including participating in attacks and providing support to militant groups through funding, weapons and logistics.
Some of those on trial are accused of links to Boko Haram, the Islamist group that has waged an insurgency in northeastern Nigeria for nearly two decades. The conflict has since spread to other regions of the country, with other jihadist groups appearing alongside armed groups and criminal gangs, which carry out kidnappings for ransom.
On Tuesday, gunmen attacked villages in the Shiroro district of western Niger state, killing 20 people, according to residents.
Across Nigeria, hundreds of people have been killed in bombings and other attacks this year alone.
The hearings began under heavy security. Authorities welcomed the trial, describing it as a demonstration of the government’s commitment to tackling terrorism and restoring stability.
Security analyst Bashir Galma called the trial a “positive development” and a “significant milestone” in the fight against terrorism, adding that it helps counter claims that suspects are routinely released without prosecution.
Wednesday, April 8, 2026
Char'd Grill and Bar Cape Town-A Special Venue
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Steaks are the main event. The tastings complete the experience
Last updated: Wednesday, 18 March 2026
Brandy is as quintessentially South African as steak, and Char’d Grill offers the best of both. The tasting tray of 100% locally-made brandy makes for an ideal pre-dinner experience, followed by fantastic steak which Char’d prepares and ages in-house. And if brandy isn’t your thing, there’s also craft tequila, gin, and a great wine list.
Char’d prepares and ages all of its steak on site. Image: Char’d Grill and Bar
100% LOCAL BRANDY & TEQUILA TASTINGS
While steaks may be the drawcard, it’s the tastings served in Char’d’s steampunk interior that complete the experience. Exposed pipes and vintage pressure gauges line the walls while waiters in mechanical goggles serve you the tasting tray.
The brandies on offer are Oude Molen VS, which uses a unique Spanish maturation process for an ultra smooth finish; Ladismith 8yr, a triple international gold award-winning brandy from the Klein Karoo; and Joseph Barry XO, which has gentle hints of vanilla, sherry and apricots.
Meanwhile, the tequila tasting features Leonista, a Karoo spirit made the traditional Mexican way where the agave is smoked. Leonista Honey is infused with wild Cape honey and has a smoky finish, while Leonista Black swaps the smokiness for rich notes of butterscotch and caramel.
The spirit tastings are a wonderful way to end off dinner at Char’d. Image: Char’d Grill and Bar
EVER HEARD OF A GIN ATOMISER?
Beyond the excellent brandies and tequilas, there’s one more unique tasting: The interactive gin atomiser. You squeeze the balloon-like atomisers at the tasting station to smell the infused ingredients of the gins.
You’ll be able to sniff the orange blossom and exotic marula fruit of African Craft Marula Gin, or the orange, lemon, and lime notes of Triple 3 Citrus. Then pick four for your tasting.
There is also a wine list of over 45 labels that showcase some of the best wineries of the Overberg region, like Benguela Cove, Hermanuspietersfontein, and Creation, which won Number 1 in Africa in the World’s Best Vineyards Awards for four consecutive years.
Smell before you sip. The gin atomiser is a fun way to choose your tasting. Image: Char’d Grill and Bar
GRAIN-FINISHED CUTS PREPPED IN-HOUSE
After the tastings, you’ll have worked up an appetite for the grain-finished steaks prepared entirely in-house. Grain-finished cows, unlike grain-fed cows, eat grain and grass for their entire lifespan, which improves the quality and taste of the steak.
That flavour is bolstered at Char’d’s onsite butchery, where the beef is cut, coated in a smoked salt seasoning, and dry-aged with Himalayan rock salt. The salt draws out moisture and creates a tender steak with an amazing crust.
We spoke to Petri Hendriksz, the owner of Char’d, and got his recommendations for cuts of steak at Char’d Grill.
People drive from all around the province to eat at Char'd. Image: Char’d Grill and Bar
VISIT CHAR’D GRILL & BAR
Char’d Grill is open: Monday to Saturday, 11:30am - 10:30pm (kitchen closes 9:30pm). Sunday, 11:30am - 10pm (kitchen closes 9pm)
Find it: Shop 4, Hermanus Waterfront, Western Cape
Contact on: 028 312 1986, @chardhermanus, Char’d website
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DISCOVER MORE FOODIE FUN
This hidden gem is on a lagoon in Onrus, just outside Hermanus.
See what else you can get up to in Hermanus.
There’s so many things to do this weekend in Cape Town.
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Date: 09 Apr 2026
Time: 11:30 - 21:30
Venue: Chard Grill & Wine Bar
Location: Shop 4 Village Square, Hermanus Hermanus
Phone: 028 312 1986
Email: info@chardhermanus.co.za
Website: https://chardhermanus.co.za/
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Tuesday, April 7, 2026
First Afrikaner Refugee Returns To South Africa
FIRST AFRIKANER REFUGEE RETURNS TO SOUTH AFRICA
According to US intel analyst Chris Wyatt, the first known refugee has returned to South Africa over the Easter weekend.
The US commentator, who has a special interest in South Africa, and in particular the refugee resettlement programme, claimed that he was informed that the individual, an elderly woman, had returned to the country
The woman arrived in the state of Iowa two weeks ago, ahead of her family. However, she had reportedly discovered that her adult children had been removed from the programme for unknown reasons.
According to Wyatt, the woman chose to return to South Africa at her own expense. She would also be liable to pay a travel loan from the United Nations International Organisation for Migration.
He said, “It certainly doesn’t appear that she’s unhappy or uncomfortable in America. It seems to be tied to the fact that her family, in a linked case, her support structure, is no longer coming.
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“She’s made a decision. This is heartbreaking after going through this programme. The reality is that she came over, she took a seat, filled a slot and used resources that another South African could not use. This is a shame…
He continued: “We can speculate that they changed their mind. Or maybe this is one of the first denials [rejection of application]. This is not a shocker or surprise”.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aiH7v3OF8YA
WHITE EXPATS COMING HOME
The Afrikaner refugee’s case is not to be confused with reports that high numbers of white expats living abroad are choosing to return to South Africa.
According to Reuters, thousands of South Africans have cited reasons of wanting to reunite with family and friends back home, the weather, and the cost of living and living standards in the country.
An employment agent told the news agency that he had seen a 70% increase in interest in white South African expats who had contacted him in the last six months.
Many were hoping to secure remote work abroad while returning to South Africa.
CAN REFUGEES RETURN TOO?
While expats can return to South Africa without any red tape issues, those who have taken “refugee status” in the US under the Trump administration could potentially face issues.
According to the US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), there are stringent travel restrictions in place for refugees who are successful in the resettlement programme.
USCIS states that all refugees must obtain permission via a travel document before departing the US. Failure to do so could result in refugees being denied re-entry into the US. These actions could also strip South Africans of their refugee status, resulting in removal proceedings before an immigration judge.
Returning to South Africa – considered the country of “persecution” – could come at a cost. Click here for more information.
For “refugees” hoping to return home permanently, voluntary repatriation is always an option.
Organisations like the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) help people who wish to return to their countries by providing financial assistance.
According to the South African Department of International Relations, “refugees” would be welcomed back as citizens. However, they would have to revoke their status in order for this to happen.
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Monday, March 30, 2026
South Africa: An Unbearable Tax Burden
A family man with a salary of R100,000 a month can pay up to 80% ‘tax’ in South Africa
Shaun Jacobs • 29 March 2026
South Africa has one of the most heavily burdened personal income tax bases in the world, with around 2.4% of individuals paying 77% of all personal income tax.
The country also has a highly progressive personal income tax system, with high-income earners making over R887,001 per year taxed at a rate of 41%.
While South Africans are heavily taxed, these formal taxes do not cover the additional costs individuals pay due to the government’s failure to provide basic services.
This includes education, healthcare, and security, with individuals having to pay private schools and companies to provide services that the state is meant to provide.
While private education has historically been the preserve of the wealthy in South Africa, it is becoming increasingly mainstream as many state schools suffer from years of mismanagement and inadequate investment.
Efficient Group chief economist Dawie Roodt has previously said that these payments, in the form of school fees, security levies, and medical aid, can be considered an additional “tax” on South Africans.
In effect, in these regards, individuals are double-taxed, as they have to pay for these services out of their own pocket on top of personal income tax.
MyTreasury co-founder Michael Kransdorff explained that the mismanagement of South Africa’s state-provided education, healthcare, and policing means individuals are compelled to pay for these services from private alternatives.
Furthermore, the personal income tax paid by South Africans does not include the multitude of other ways the South African government taxes individuals.
This includes value-added tax (VAT) on nearly all purchases, excluding VAT-exempt food items, as well as several fuel taxes levied at the pump.
Individuals who save and invest in stocks, property, and other assets face several additional taxes, including a 20% flat tax on dividends and a capital gains tax.
Interest earned from bank savings accounts or fixed-income investments is added to an individual’s taxable income and taxed at their marginal tax rate, with the first R23,800 being tax-free.
As a result, an individual’s tax burden in South Africa is significantly greater than the headline personal income tax rate, largely due to the additional private services they have to purchase to make up for shortfalls in government-provided services.
Family man earning R100,000 per month as an example
To illustrate the situation, Daily Investor used the example of an individual who earns R100,000 per month, or R1.2 million a year, before tax.
This income is generally considered high, and someone earning this amount is widely regarded as rich in South Africa.
However, calculations show that this individual is left with significantly less spending money than typically assumed, with private-sector alternatives to state services eating up a substantial chunk of their paycheque.
Most South Africans would look at the headline figure after tax, which in this case is R67,965 after the individual pays PAYE, the Skills Development Levy (SDL), and contributes to the Unemployment Insurance Fund (UIF).
The individual’s UIF contribution is capped at R177.12 per month, while the SDL payment is 1% of their paycheque, R1,000.
In Daily Investor’s example, the calculation continues to include medical aid payments, private school fees, an estate levy for security, property rates, and fuel levies.
Daily Investor assumed the individual’s partner did not work and that they had two children. The family lives in Johannesburg.
The family’s two children attend Curro Primary and Curro High School in Rivonia, with one in grade six and the other in grade ten. Their combined school fees come to R21,860 per month.
Regarding medical aid, the individual has a Discovery Classic Smart Comprehensive scheme, with their partner and two children as additional dependents. This comes to an estimated R18,498 per month.
The individual receives tax relief in the form of medical aid tax credits, which vary depending on excess payments. Including these payments, Daily Investor assumed tax credits of R2,749 per month.
For this example, the family lives in Waterfall Country Village Estate, which includes 24/7 security. This estate has a levy of R3,610 per month.
Daily Investor assumed the family would live in a R3 million house. At Johannesburg’s property rates, this equates to R2,146.25 per month as the first R300,000 is exempt.
The individual pays a series of other municipal levies on their property, including refuse removal, sewage, and electricity and water tariffs.
For this calculation, Daily Investor focused on the levies charged and not the total utilities bill. These levies amount to R2,908.86.
Regarding fuel levies, Daily Investor assumed the individual drove a petrol-engined Toyota Hilux and filled its 80-litre tank twice a month with 93-octane petrol.
Using the National Treasury’s breakdown of fuel taxes for the new financial year, which includes increases to the General Fuel Levy and Road Accident Fund Levy, the individual will pay R1,052 in fuel taxes per month.
The taxes, including payments for private services to replace deteriorating public alternatives, and their impact on the individual’s income can be seen in the table below.
Item
Amount
Gross salary
R100,000.00
PAYE
R30,857.75
UIF
R177.12
SDL
R1,000.00
Total after payroll taxes
R67,965.13
Medical aid
R18,498.00
Medical aid tax credits
R2,749.00
Private schooling
R21,860.00
Estate levy
R3,610.00
Property rates
R2,146.25
Refuse removal
R456.00
Sewage
R900.00
Electricity tariffs
R1,185.00
Water tariffs
R367.86
Fuel levies
R1,052.00
Total remaining
R20,630.00
Friday, March 6, 2026
South Africa: Rosebank: An Urban Oasis
https://www.news24.com/life/travel/in-transit-48-hours-in-rosebank-johannesburgs-walkable-urban-oasis-20260304-1038?lid=pr63tby7neju
Monday, February 23, 2026
Senegal's Youth Turn On The President
Senegal’s Youth Turn on the President They Helped Elect
SENEGAL
Senegal
In March 2024, Senegalese voters outmaneuvered a term-limited leader attempting to stay in power, propelling a young opposition candidate just released from prison into the presidency and giving his party a legislative majority later that year.
It was students at the forefront of that victory.
Now, two years later, many of those young voters say they feel betrayed by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, blaming his administration for failing to disburse students’ financial aid payments and for the violence at recent protests over the stipends that killed one student.
“We were just kids, but we were fighting for him – I can’t believe he is doing this to us today,” Khadija Ndiaye, 19, a history student, told the Associated Press, adding that she hasn’t received her payments for three months. “He said in his campaign videos that a student can no longer survive without a stipend. It is not normal today for him to stand before us and say that a student can survive without a stipend.”
Ndiaye added that the government doesn’t understand or care about students’ realities. “(Officials’) kids are not even in Senegal, they’re in the United States, Europe, anywhere,” she said. “You’re never going to see the son of a minister or a president here at the university.”
The ongoing protests broke out in December at Senegal’s top public university, Cheikh Anta Diop University, in the capital of Dakar, over unpaid government financial aid payments to students. The payments range from 20,000 to 60,000 CFA francs (between $36 and $109) per month, and are often the students’ only source of income, and at times, an entire family’s. Some students say they haven’t been paid in a year.
Part of the problem with the payments lies in Senegal’s economic situation. After the new administration took over, it conducted an audit that found hidden debt inherited from the previous administration, which left a $13 billion budget hole. Talks with the International Monetary Fund for financial aid have stalled.
As a result, bills have gone unpaid, the government’s reform plans have stalled and public grumbling has grown over cuts and a dire economic situation that has hit those under 35 – 75 percent of Senegal’s 19 million – the hardest.
At the same time, repeated closures by the university over the past few years, also due to protests, have caused problems with the payment schedule.
In 2024, students protested in support of Faye and current Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, who were key opposition leaders at the time. Their pledges to tackle corruption and turn around the economy raised the hopes of many young Senegalese, helping to bring them to power in spite of attempts by President Macky Sall to stay put: His regime jailed Sonko, barred him from running in the elections, canceled the vote, and instituted a deadly crackdown on protesters opposing his administration.
The protests that broke out in December, meanwhile, were initially peaceful. However, violence broke out when university officials closed campus cafeterias after students refused to pay for meals, and when officials closed the dorms, forcing some students to return to their villages in the countryside.
During these demonstrations, some students set buildings and cars on fire and clashed with police, who, human rights groups say, used “disproportionate force” against protesters, deploying nightsticks and tear gas, detaining students and allegedly “torturing” one to death.
One student, Ablaye, recounted to Agence France-Presse how police repeatedly hurt him: Police officers forced their way into his room in the student dorm, dragged him out and beat him in the hallway. He says he was beaten again and again by three more groups of officers.
“When I was bleeding too much, they took me to the Red Cross,” he said, displaying a dozen stitches on his head. “I knew it would be like this with this regime, it’s business as usual – a break with the past is impossible.”
Still, the death of Abdoulaye Ba, a second-year medical student who was not a protester, was a tipping point, say observers.
Since then, Senegalese officials have admitted to police brutality and promised an investigation into the student’s death. Interior Minister Mouhamadou Bamba Cissé expressed his condolences to Ba’s family. Even so, he said violence was caused by both parties.
However, a state prosecutor said last week that Ba, who died of head injuries, was killed in a fall from his fourth-floor dorm room, setting off new outrage among the students.
Student Madawass Diagne, who helped raise funds to pay for students’ journeys home after the student housing closed, told Reuters he voted for Faye and now felt let down.
“We are (facing) the same injustices we were fighting against (before),” he said, referring to the prior administration. “It’s like (the president) betrayed a whole country.”
Wednesday, February 18, 2026
Moroccan Lawyers End Strikes After Government Withdraws Cautious Reform Bill
Moroccan Lawyers End Strikes After Government Withdraws Contentious Reform Bill
MOROCCO
Morocco
Moroccan lawyers ended a weekslong nationwide strike this week after the government suspended a draft law regulating the legal profession that critics said would undermine lawyers’ independence, Agence France-Presse reported.
The Association of Moroccan Bars (ABAM) said Monday that the breakthrough came after Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch pledged to “personally take charge” of the bill in cooperation with the association by “putting in place a mixed commission” of officials and legal practitioners to initiate dialogue.
The government has decided not to forward the draft to parliament for a vote until the committee completes its review.
The strike began on Jan. 7, a day before the government approved the bill, which was aimed at modernizing the sector and strengthening anti-corruption safeguards.
Lawyers said the bill would limit their profession’s constitutional role in the justice system and demanded to be part of the drafting process.
One key point of contention was a provision granting courts direct disciplinary power over lawyers, a function traditionally handled internally by bar associations. The draft also proposed new requirements to study law, including a master’s degree in legal sciences, an entrance exam to a training institute, and an age limit of between 22 and 40, the Rabat-based Morocco World News reported.
Lawyers have questioned whether these conditions balance merit and equal opportunity. Others also voiced concern over the new administrative obligations and oversight mechanisms that lawyers said could affect professional autonomy.
Morocco’s Ministry of Justice countered that the draft law was necessary to update legal frameworks that govern lawyers and strengthen the quality of legal services. Justice Minister Abdellatif Ouahbi insisted that “the legal profession needs change.”
However, Ouahbi, who initiated the bill, told parliament earlier this month he was “ready to drop, modify or reform anything that harms lawyers.”
Central Africa Republic's Election Underscores Wobbly Stability
Central African Republic’s Election Underscores a Wobbly Stability
CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
Central African Republic
Recently, the top US adviser for Africa, Massad Boulos, was invited to visit the Central African Republic for talks on military and diplomatic partnerships as well as investment opportunities, particularly in the mining sector.
The Central African Republic has significant reserves of untapped but critical minerals that include diamonds, gold, uranium and rare earth elements, which have long interested Russia, China, the US and others.
Beyond wanting to dislodge Chinese and Russian influence, analysts say US interest also reflects growing stability in the Central African Republic since 2021, when rebel militias nearly captured the capital, Bangui. The country also held a successful and relatively violence-free election in December, they add.
Even so, some are questioning whether the progress the country has made is sustainable.
“For many residents (…), the ballot carried the promise of normalcy, or at least continuity, in a region long starved of both,” the UN wrote. “That promise, however, remains elusive.”
Since gaining independence from France in 1960, the Central African Republic, one of the poorest countries in the world, has experienced decades of violence and instability, including six coups. In 2013, the country saw an explosion of fighting when predominantly Muslim Séléka rebels seized power, taking over Bangui and ousting President François Bozizé. Christian Anti-balaka militias fought back, with mobs burning mosques and killing Muslims by decapitating and dismembering them.
The violence went on sporadically, intensifying and spreading in 2018 after a period of relative calm as armed groups battled over areas rich in gold, diamonds, uranium and other minerals. Thousands died in the fighting, with hundreds of thousands displaced by the conflict in the country of about 5 million.
Soon after, President Faustin-Archange Touadera hired Russian mercenaries from the Kremlin-linked Wagner Group, who prevented those groups from taking control of Bangui in 2021 – after six of 14 armed groups vying for control withdrew from a 2019 peace agreement.
Since then, the Russian mercenaries have served as personal bodyguards for Touadera, playing a key role in propping him up in the guise of helping him defeat rebel groups: The group reportedly wrote the text of the constitutional referendum that removed term limits, which would allow the president to remain in power indefinitely, Le Monde reported. It also helped him win the referendum with 95 percent of the vote, aided by a Russian disinformation campaign, the French publication added.
Still, the elections held late last year were a major accomplishment and a sign of stability, analysts say. Voters cast their ballots for candidates running for presidential, legislative, regional and municipal offices. Touadera won a third term in a landslide, garnering 78 percent of the vote.
However, it was not a vote to be held up as a model of democracy, said critics, who complained the election was marked by fraud and meddling, reported the Associated Press. Election authorities rejected the opposition’s appeals. The Republican Bloc for the Defense of the Constitution, the main opposition party, boycotted the vote, added Al Jazeera.
Meanwhile, as the capital remains relatively peaceful, guarded by a mix of Russian mercenaries and UN peacekeepers, violence continues to spread across the country, fueled by rebels, government forces and other militants, wrote Human Rights Watch. Abduction, the forcible recruitment of children as soldiers, sexual violence and attacks against civilians are still rampant.
The proximity of the civil war in neighboring Sudan has also concerned aid officials, who worry that fighting might spill over the border or that Sudanese migrants fleeing war might destabilize the country further.
“There is no fence, no physical barrier marking the end of one country and the beginning of the other – just a dried-up riverbed spanning the invisible line drawn on maps,” said UN officials.
Already thousands of refugees are making their way to a “fractured country still piecing itself back together,” they added.
For example, Birao, a northern town on the border with Sudan, now hosts more than 27,000 Sudanese refugees – an overwhelming number for a community of about 18,000, UN officials say. There, tensions have occasionally flared between refugees and local residents.
More recently, a militia that the Wagner Group recruited, trained and armed to fight rebels and Fulani pastoralists – largely Muslim nomadic cattle herders – turned against the government. Separately, fighting has flared in the remote southeastern Haut-Mbomou area since late December between government forces backed by Russian mercenaries and the Azandé Ani Kpi Gbè militia, a community self-defense force from the Azandé ethnic group.
The unrest comes as Russia seeks to replace the Wagner Group with its Africa Corps, which would assume a training role only, a shift that would cost the country a fortune – it currently pays with minerals – and could jeopardize the president and the government’s hold on power.
Fulbert Ngodji, an analyst at the International Crisis Group, told World Politics Review that the progress is mainly that no province is currently controlled by armed groups. But he added that this is a mixed blessing, while noting that it is unclear whether the situation will remain stable.
“These (armed) groups, which live off violence through looting or mining exploitation, have not genuinely disarmed and continue to pose a threat,” he said. “In some regions, the army has become the main source of insecurity (and violence).”
Monday, February 16, 2026
South Africa: Some Afrikaner Refugees Are Suffering In the US
Cold, hungry and living in squalor: Afrikaner refugees ‘struggling’ in US
Grass isn’t greener? A bombshell report revealed the struggles of some Afrikaner refugees who left South Africa for the US…
Author picture
By Megan van den Heever
13-02-26 20:23
in Lifestyle
afrikaner refugees us
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Some Afrikaner refugees in the US are living in dire conditions. Image via Canva
A bombshell report by an independent US publication claims that some refugees – predominantly Afrikaners – left South Africa to face even worse conditions in their adoptive countries.
This comes a year after US President Donald Trump signed an Executive Order prioritising refugee resettlement for predominantly white South Africans through the United States Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP)
The president claimed that the minority faced “unjust racial discrimination”, labelling transformative legislation as “persecution”. SA authorities have since accused Trump of “spreading misinformation” about the country.
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To date, close to 2000 South Africans have departed the country on the programme.
AFRIKANER REFUGEES ‘STRUGGLING’ IN THE US – REPORT
According to the US publication, The Free Press, an investigation revealed that some Afrikaner refugees were living in poor conditions.
An investigative journalist spoke to ten South Africans, who bemoaned being placed in mouldy, dirty motels and apartments infested with cockroaches, and living amongst drug addicts and criminals.
Many claimed to have little to no food, eating just one meal a day to survive. Others lived in freezing temperatures, without warm coats, and had to travel long distances in the snow to their nearest grocery store. Some complained about the high cost of living, adding that much of their earnings went towards rent.
Speaking anonymously to protect their identities, here is what a few had to say…
“We come from a place where you have to grow a set of eyes on the back of your head. Only to move to another unsafe place and be told by the locals you’re now in harm’s way.”
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“I understand I am a refugee, and I am very grateful. But I can’t, in my right mind, pay to live with cockroaches.”
“We did not have blankets, towels, beds, or any basic necessities. We only had our bags from South Africa and the clothes on our backs”.
The publication spoke to a social worker, Amanda Emery, who had spent hundreds of dollars out of her own pocket to help refugees get on their feet.
She said: “I gave them air mattresses and pillows, because their beds weren’t appropriate. I’ve taken them to the ministry to get clothing. I feel like they’re being neglected, and the agency is setting them up for failure.”
Also speaking to the publication was NGO, The US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI), which claimed it was “focused on supporting economic self-sufficiency and social integration, ensuring newcomers can build stable lives within their new communities.
US intel expert Chris Wyatt has responded to the report, accusing many refugee assistance agencies of maladministration.
WHAT ARE THEY ENTITLED TO?
Under the refugee resettlement programme, South Africans receive federal resettlement support, which covers accommodation placement, short-term Medicaid, and their children are placed in local schools.
Families receive a small stipend based on their needs.
Assistance agencies contracted to the government are paid to provide food, clothing, and housing supplies. They also offer support in skills assessment, job preparation, and integration into US communities.
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