Ethioian Forces Retake Tigray Capital Mekelle

Ethiopian Forces Retake Tigray Capital Mekelle as Tensions With Eritrea Escalate ETHIOPIA Ethiopian federal forces and allied fighters recaptured the capital of the northern region of Tigray on Saturday after the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) withdrew from the city, marking a major shift in renewed fighting that has shattered a 2022 peace deal and raised fears of a wider regional conflict. The TPLF said Saturday that it had “temporarily moved out” of Mekelle to operate elsewhere, hours after federal forces and pro-government fighters retook the city’s main airport. The Tigray Peace Force, a pro-government militia, said its fighters entered central Mekelle on Saturday afternoon, followed by the Ethiopian military. A humanitarian source and a resident also said government forces controlled the city. The latest fighting erupted on Sept. 23 after the TPLF and six other armed and political groups formed an alliance aimed at removing Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government and establishing an inclusive transitional administration. The renewed hostilities effectively collapsed the 2022 peace deal that ended two years of war between federal forces and the TPLF. That conflict began in November 2020 after relations between Abiy’s government and the TPLF deteriorated. Federal troops – backed by Eritrea and allied militias – fought Tigrayan forces in a war that killed hundreds of thousands of people, displaced millions and largely cut Tigray off from the outside world. The recent fighting has already disrupted communications, banking and other services in Mekelle and severely hampered humanitarian operations across northern Ethiopia. It has also heightened fears that the conflict could draw in neighboring countries: Ethiopia has accused Eritrea, Sudan and Egypt of backing the opposition coalition. Sudan and Egypt denied involvement, while Eritrea also rejected allegations that its forces were fighting in Tigray. Relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea have deteriorated sharply since the countries fought together against the TPLF in 2020-2022, particularly over Ethiopia’s push for direct access to the Red Sea. On Thursday, Ethiopia closed its embassy in Asmara and ordered 10 Eritrean diplomats to leave within 48 hours. Eritrea responded by severing diplomatic relations. Ethiopia also expelled an Egyptian diplomat, prompting Cairo to order an Ethiopian official to leave. The United States on Saturday urged Ethiopia and Eritrea to exercise “maximum restraint,” while the African Union called for diplomacy and warned against further regional destabilization.

The Fight For A New Map Reflecting Africa's Actual Size

The Fight for a New Map Reflecting Africa’s True Size Challenges Centuries of Western Dominance WORLD/ AFRICA When Nigerian-born Abimbola Ogundairo joined a campaign in 2024 to change the world map, she found that many people had no idea how misleading the prevailing version could be. The widely used Mercator projection, created in 1569, enlarges landmasses farther from the equator. On it, Africa, which is 14 times larger than Greenland, looks roughly the same size. “We live in a world where size is often equated with power,” Ogundairo, advocacy and campaigns lead at African advocacy group Africa No Filter, told Al Jazeera last year. “It has a damaging impact on the way we make decisions in our everyday lives, on how we make business decisions, the way we dream, and even the way non-Africans view the continent as a tourist destination and an investment destination. It’s the most lingering lie about Africa.” On Sept. 4, West African nation Togo took the “Correct the Map” campaign to the United Nations, where the General Assembly voted 164-1 to promote more accurate world maps. The initiative, launched by Africa No Filter and fellow advocacy group Speak Up Africa in 2024, had won African Union backing. Though nonbinding, the resolution encourages countries and international organizations to use the Equal Earth map, developed in 2018 (and pictured above), or other maps that accurately show continents’ relative sizes. Supporters say showing Africa at its true relative size could help change perceptions of its geopolitical importance. “Maps are not innocent drawings,” Carlos Lopes, a University of Cape Town professor, told South African radio station CapeTalk. “They influence what investors value, what policymakers prioritize, what journalists consider important.” The debate over Africa is part of a much older relationship between maps and geopolitical power, say observers. And as history is written by the victors, maps are drawn by the powerful. “Countries use maps to depict their real or imagined territorial reach,” wrote World Politics Review. “The map question relates to how countries of “the West” think about themselves. One must ask, of course, “west of what?” The answer depends on where you center a map.” Meanwhile, the United States, the only country to oppose the resolution, called the campaign part of a “much larger and more radical ideological project,” linking it to efforts to promote reparations for slavery and colonialism. Others wonder how much changing a map can accomplish when many of the continent’s political and institutional challenges, including legacies of colonialism, run far deeper than cartography. “You can fix a map, you can fix narratives and global credit rating agencies, but it doesn’t absolve African countries from also having to do the hard work of fixing their own problems,” Kenyan academic Ken Opalo, a professor at Georgetown University, told the Financial Times. Yet maps have figured in US President Donald Trump’s own geopolitical thinking. Trump’s interest in acquiring Greenland was reportedly fueled in part by how “massive” the island appeared on a map – on Mercator, landmasses near the poles look much larger than they are. “Anyone who looks at Greenland with a Mercator projection, thinking that it is huge, needs remedial training in geography,” Mark Serreze, a geography professor at the University of Colorado Boulder, told Newsweek. Another target of Trump’s territorial ambitions, Canada, similarly looks much larger than it is. Meanwhile, the US reference to reparations comes as African countries are increasingly using international institutions to challenge longstanding Western interpretations of history and global power. The map resolution followed another African-led UN vote this year that declared the trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialized chattel enslavement the “gravest crime against humanity” and called for reparatory justice. “These interventions in how we make sense of the world may be symbolic – but they are meaningful, and they are gaining ground,” the Guardian wrote, with its West Africa correspondent believing such victories could contribute to a “multipolar world order.” As global power shifts, the debate over who gets represented where – and at what scale – is unlikely to end with Africa. “To the extent that maps come to shape the way that we think about different places and people who inhabit them, maps structure our politics in ways that then have consequences,” Alex Moulton of Hunter College in New York City, told the Associated Press. “It is apprehending our world as we observe it and then putting that down as the truth of those things and that is an inherently political practice.”

A Road Through South Africa's Karoo

LinkedIn Twitter Facebook A Karoo road trip on 35mm film Ten days, 1 700km, and a cheap pocket camera through South Africa’s semi-arid interior By Andrew Thompson When my email pinged with a notification that 74 film photographs from a solo 1 700km cross-Karoo journey were ready for collection, I felt an odd pang of excitement. By then, the trip was long over. I had scraped the remains of dead bugs off the bumper, told the odd tale to those interested, replied to the most important neglected emails, and reinstalled the deleted social media apps. The 1 229 phone photos and videos I had taken along the way had already disappeared deep into the camera roll. My route took me on 1 700 km of Karoo backroads and highways. Then the film photographs arrived. They offered an imperfect record. Many were bang average. Several did not come out at all. One frame I had been looking forward to featured little more than my misplaced thumb. Others, though, returned memories I had almost lost. Of an abandoned church on a rural hill, a windmill turning noisily in an icy breeze beside a rutted dirt road, a shy but inquisitive horse in a green field, and the first spring flowers catching the last rays of sunlight beside seldom-used train tracks. Developing a contact sheet of the negatives may cost extra, but it delivers a full dose of 35mm film nostalgia. Carrying a budget 35mm Kodak through the Karoo changed the rhythm of the trip. I stopped for things I might otherwise have driven past or snapped through the window. I took fewer photographs because each one would cost money. And when I did take one, it came with the cheap thrill of a mechanical clunk, the whirr of film advancing inside the plastic body, and no idea whether the picture would be worth the cost of developing. The camera was Kodak’s Snapic A1, a modern 35mm point-and-shoot that sells locally for about R2 000. It has a pocketable plastic body, a glass lens, two focus zones, automatic film advance, built-in flash, and a fun double-exposure mode. I shot on Kodak Gold 200 film, which suited the bright roads and open landscapes. The photographs that follow are unedited and uncropped, exactly as the lab delivered them. A car driving down a road with yellow and white stripes, surrounded by lush green grass and plants on either side. In the background, majestic mountains and a clear blue sky can be seen. The road after Montagu's Hole in the Wall feels like the unofficial start of Route 62. CAPE TOWN TO CALITZDORP Onto Route 62 Ronnies Sex Shop, a roadside bar that fell victim to a prank, is a quintessential Route 62 stop. Barrydale seems to have bottled the mood of the Klein Karoo road trip. I pulled into Diesel & Crème, the closest thing South Africa has to a classic roadside diner, and ordered a hot dog from the caravan outside. It arrived quickly, and generously sized, and I ate it among a smattering of midweek tourists speaking French and German on road trips of their own. Barrydale's Diesel and Creme is the quintessential road trip stop. A quick pause as you leave Barrydale on the far side offers a view over the valley. But this was not my overnight stop. As charming as the restaurant and a few other quirky establishments are, I wanted to head deeper into the quieter, less curated country beyond it. And shortly before Calitzdorp, I found the solitude I was after at River View Cottages, a quiet farm stay overlooking the Gamka River, with the Swartberg rising behind it. Walking in the foothills of the Swartberg mountains near Calitzdorp. The view from the stoep at River View Cottages. With no cellphone signal, the fire and stars became the evening’s entertainment. By day, the river, mountain paths, and a hammock offered a gentle introduction to a week on the road. Flowering aloes are a common winter sight in the Karoo, their thick leaves holding water through the dry months. Canoes set aside for guests beside the dock at River View Cottages. CALITZDORP TO PRINCE ALBERT Over the Swartberg A lone horse at the foot of the Swartberg Mountains. After a weekend of tranquillity, I steeled myself for the drive up Swartberg Pass, officially opened in 1888. It is a classic road for good reason. As I geared down at its foot, the look of relief on the faces of the passengers in a rental car coming down towards me said everything I had forgotten since I last drove it a decade earlier. The drive up from the southern side of the Swartberg Pass is just a taste of what's to come. I emerged through the mist at the summit into perhaps the most daunting part of the drive. Ahead lay the long descent towards Prince Albert, a dirt road damaged in places by recent floods, with only dry-stacked stone walls offering a rough suggestion of protection. If this were in Germany, I imagined my Diesel & Crème compatriots saying, it would be uninsurable. But here I was, feathering the brakes and white-knuckling the steering wheel down one of the world’s great mountain roads, grinning broadly. A dirt road winding through a canyon, with a stone wall on one side and hills in the background. The sky is filled with clouds, creating a peaceful atmosphere. Stone walls edge the gravel descent from Swartberg Pass toward Prince Albert. PRINCE ALBERT A perfect pit stop A view of the Swartberg across Gay's Guernsey Dairy farm, on the town's outskirts. Prince Albert, at the foot of the Swartberg, has long been shaped by its position between the Great and Klein Karoo. The town grew from an 18th-century farm, and its old Cape Dutch, Karoo, and Victorian buildings still give its streets a settled, prosperous air. De Kleine Prince, more homestead than guest house, also exudes this, and a stay there allowed me to fall into a slower rhythm before the wide-open spaces of the Great Karoo that lay ahead. Prince Albert from above, seen from its nearby koppie. Also from the koppie are views of the vast, wide-open Great Karoo. From the koppie above town, Prince Albert sat below in a neat arrangement of streets, whitewashed houses, and trees, with the Swartberg rising behind it. To the other side, the land opened into scrub and soft oblique winter light, with the vast Great Karoo still ahead. A slow walk through the quiet back lanes of Prince Albert offers glimpses of tranquil farm life. PRINCE ALBERT TO SAMARA KAROO Backroads of the Eastern Cape A lone windmill sits stationary on a Karoo backroad. Although there was a temptation to become one of the many Capetonians who visit Prince Albert and start plotting a permanent move, I pressed on into the Eastern Cape towards a game reserve Samara. I ignored the recommended routes on Google Maps and chose, perhaps somewhat foolishly, the thin, faded grey lines that soon turned to long stretches of isolated dirt. For hundreds of kilometres, there was so little traffic that I could stop in the middle of the road to take photographs. Many roads are so quiet and remote that you'll likely not encounter a bar of signal or another vehicle for dozens of kilometres. The town of Willowmore is a common pit stop for road trippers from upcountry heading to the coast. Occasional small towns, like Willowmore and Steytlerville, offered intrigue and a chance to stretch my legs and click a few photos. But the real pull was out on the open gravel roads, corrugated and empty for long stretches, with creaking windmills, disused railway lines, and even an abandoned church on a hill breaking up the drive. Avoiding the recommended routes delivers long stretches of classic Karoo driving on scenic gravel roads. An abandoned church sits on a hill somewhere between Steylerville and Robert Sobukwe Town. A set of long-unused railway tracks runs along the road in parts. SAMARA KAROO TO ROBERT SOBUKWE TOWN Into the Great Karoo Few Karoo drives are as atmospheric as the one to Nieu-Bethesda. Eventually, I had little choice but to rejoin the tar, though it was no less dramatic. The Karoo has a way of making you feel very small. And as the plains opened around me and the kilometres slipped by, I had the strange, overwhelming sense that I could keep going for days, maybe weeks, and never tire of it. A view over the plains at the Karoo reserve Samara. The Owl House in Nieu-Bethesda is a classic Karoo stop. A lone tree beside the road to Nieu-Bethesda provides the only shade on a warm winter's day. ROBERT SOBUKWE TOWN An old town with a new name The Dutch Reformed Church is a prominent, long-standing monument in the centre of Robert Sobukwe Town. Graaff-Reinet may have a new official name as Robert Sobukwe Town, but there is an unflappable familiarity to one of South Africa’s old Karoo stopovers. The church at its centre still anchors the streets around it. As does the recently refurbished historical Drostdy Hotel. But from above, from the surrounding Camdeboo National Park and its Valley of Desolation, the Karoo once again snaps into perspective. The Valley of Desolation in Camdeboo National Park, where dolerite columns rise above the plains outside Robert Sobukwe Town. The view over Robert Sobukwe Town from Cambdaboo National Park. ROBERT SOBUKWE TOWN TO MATJIESFONTEIN The national highway home Distant mountains from an N1 picnic spot, as the Karoo gives way to the long road back to Cape Town. Roughly 1 000km into the trip, two days behind schedule, and still 700km from home, I realised it was probably time to return to reality. I pointed the car towards the crisp white and yellow lines and roadside stops of the N1. Classic roadside picnic spots line the busy road, but are often all but abandoned outside of peak times. But for decades, I had wanted to spend a night at the historic Lord Milner Hotel in the Victorian railway village of Matjiesfontein, now in its 142nd year. So despite being behind schedule and still hundreds of kilometres from home, the temptation to pull in and ask for a balcony room overlooking the old station proved irresistible. The historic Lord Milner Hotel, with its balcony suites and railway views, make an overnight stop in Matjiesfontein hard to pass up. With orange daisies lining the road, the seldom-used railway nearby, and one last night in an old Karoo hotel, it felt like a fitting send-off to nearly two weeks of blissful bumbling through the region’s backroads, passes, highways, and occasional eerie stops at roadside picnic spots. Weeks later, when the scans arrived, this imperfect version of the trip stayed with me. The soft edges, blown highlights, vibrant colours, and missed frames were part of it, along with the memory of standing in the middle of empty Karoo roads, pointing a cheap camera into the distance, and hoping it would do the scene justice.

Botswana Slammed For Killing Elephants For Independence Day Feasts

Botswana Slammed for Killing Elephants for Independence Day Feasts BOTSWANA Botswana Animal rights groups criticized Botswana’s decision to slaughter 23 elephants to provide meat for the country’s Independence Day celebrations, a move that also raised public health concerns and reignited the debate over the country’s wildlife management policies. The southern African country, home to the world’s largest elephant population, held a series of festivities Wednesday to mark the 60th anniversary of its independence from Great Britain. The government issued a special license authorizing the hunting of 23 elephants and other wild animals for “complimentary purposes.” The game meat was reportedly served as part of the traditional feasting associated with the Independence Day celebrations. It was unclear how many animals had been killed by Wednesday, but local media published images of people across Botswana gathering around elephant carcasses, with some carrying knives and sharing the meat. The decision drew criticism from animal rights and conservation groups, which called for greater protections for elephants. They warned that slaughtering the animals for celebrations could undermine conservation efforts and send the wrong message to poachers by suggesting that killing elephants is acceptable when sanctioned by the government. Social media users and lawmakers also questioned the decision to distribute game meat, raising concerns about hygiene and the spread of foot-and-mouth disease across the country. Tshenatshe Monwela, an elder in the northwestern tourist town of Maun, said the community should have received buffalo meat instead. He pointed to Botswana’s history of wildlife conservation and the particular cultural and ecological significance of elephants. The controversy has reignited a broader debate over how Botswana manages its population of elephants, numbering more than 130,000. The government currently permits trophy hunting, arguing that proceeds from regulated hunts support conservation and development in local communities. Environment and Tourism Minister Wynter Mmolotsi told parliament last year that special elephant quotas raised $1.1 million in 2025 for projects in areas where elephants roam. Conservation groups, however, have questioned whether current levels of hunting are sustainable. Government officials and other supporters argue that regulated hunting helps control elephant populations and reduce human-wildlife conflicts. Communities living near elephants have long complained about the animals destroying crops and property and, in some cases, killing residents.

Zimbabwe Starts To Pay White Farmers For The Loss Of Their Farms

Zimbabwe’s massive payout to former farmers: What the latest figures show Zimbabwe has issued US$508.8 million (about R8.36 billion) in Treasury bonds to former commercial farmers, it has been reported. Author image By Dumani Moyo Published Sep 29, 2026, 19:41 in Zimbabwe News Zimbabwe’s payout to former farmers 0 Zimbabwe’s payout to former farmers. Image: Pexels Google Preferred Badge Google News Badge Zimbabwe has issued US$508.8 million (about R8.36 billion) in Treasury bonds to former commercial farmers as the Government continues its long-running compensation programme. The latest figures were reported by The Herald following an update by the country’s Finance, Economic Development and Investment Promotion Deputy Minister Kudakwashe Mnangagwa in Parliament. According to Mnangagwa, 623 claimants have received upfront cash payments, while Treasury bonds worth US$508.8 (about R8.36 billion) million have been issued to beneficiaries under the first two batches. ADVERTISEMENT The first batch comprised 378 claimants who received US$3.19 million (about R52.5 million) in cash and Treasury bonds worth US$305.47 million (about R5.02 billion). The second batch involved 245 claimants, who received US$2.09 million (about R34.4 million) in cash and bonds valued at US$203.29 million (about R3.34 billion). A third batch of 258 claimants has received US$2.15 million (about R35.4 million) in upfront cash payments, but Treasury bonds for this group have not yet been issued. Zimbabwe’s US$3.5 billion compensation deal The payments are part of the Global Compensation Deed signed by the Government and representatives of former commercial farmers in 2020. The agreement commits Zimbabwe to paying about US$3.5 billion (R57.6 billion.) to approximately 3 500 former farm owners for improvements made on compulsorily acquired land during the fast-track Land Reform Programme. The compensation for these farmers covers improvements rather than the value of the land itself. ADVERTISEMENT Meanwhile, farmers whose properties were protected under qualifying Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreements are entitled to compensation for both land and improvements. What the Treasury bonds offer The Treasury bonds issued to former farmers carry a fixed annual coupon rate of 2% and have a 10-year maturity period. According to The Herald, payments associated with the bonds, including annual coupon payments, are exempt from taxation. The Government also intends to engage the Victoria Falls Stock Exchange to list the bonds, potentially allowing beneficiaries to sell them before maturity if they require access to cash. The bonds have also been classified as liquid assets and granted prescribed asset status, potentially making them attractive to institutional investors such as pension funds. The latest compensation payments form part of broader Government efforts to address its outstanding obligations and support Zimbabwe’s arrears clearance and debt resolution programme. 0 comments

Is There An Active Serial Killer In South Africa?

Discovery of 11 Women’s Bodies Shakes South Africa as Serial Killer Fears Rise SOUTH AFRICA South Africa South African police are investigating the deaths of 11 women whose bodies have been discovered near Johannesburg since mid-July, in a series of murders that has shaken the country with one of the world’s highest femicide rates. South African police said this week that another body of a woman was discovered in an open field in Springs, in the Ekurhuleni municipality, east of Johannesburg. The cause of death, her age and identity remain unknown. This discovery came a day after another woman’s body was found near a cemetery in the same municipality. Police said that the victim appeared to have been stoned to death. The spate of killings and bodies of women discovered in the area since July has sparked fears that a serial killer or killers are responsible. The first remains were found in July and August within about 4.3 miles of one another. Six more bodies were found in Ekurhuleni over a 10-day period earlier this month. Police have cautioned that there is no conclusive evidence linking all the cases. A 36-year-old man was arrested Saturday in connection with the killing of the 10th victim, police said. The suspect allegedly fled nearly 250 miles to Limpopo province after the killing and was arrested there. Two women also face murder charges in connection with the death of another woman whose body was found Sept. 17. The killings have inspired fury in South Africa, which has high rates of femicide and violent crime toward women and children, despite years of government pledges to tackle the problem and even declaring it a national disaster.

Fighting Resumes In Ethiopia's Tigray Region

Fighting Resumes in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region, Sparking Fears of Wider Conflict ETHIOPIA Rebels from the northern region of Tigray launched a major offensive against Ethiopia’s federal government Wednesday, threatening a return to full-scale war and effectively breaking the 2022 peace agreement that ended a two-year conflict that killed hundreds of thousands of people. Forces from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) seized control of airports in the Tigrayan cities of Mekelle and Shire, and reportedly Axum, while also launching attacks against government positions in the neighboring Afar and Amhara regions. Ethiopian Airlines suspended flights to all three cities. Getachew Reda – an adviser to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and a former TPLF leader – accused Tigrayan forces of launching an "all-out offensive" against government positions. The Afar regional government also accused the TPLF of launching an invasion and said its forces would defend the region alongside their allies. The TPLF-led regional administration, however, described its actions as a “defensive” war and accused Abiy’s administration of intensifying aggression against the northern region. Wednesday’s fighting followed months of growing tensions and sporadic clashes. The Ethiopian military has carried out a number of drone strikes against Tigrayan forces and massed troops near the regional border. In May, the TPLF seized control of Tigray’s government from the interim administration established under the peace deal. Ethiopia and the TPLF previously clashed during a 2020-2022 civil conflict that killed around 600,000 people. A 2022 peace agreement ended the fighting, but many conditions of the deal remain unfulfilled and both sides have accused each other of violations. Tensions escalated over the weekend after the TPLF also announced an alliance with six other armed groups aimed at overthrowing Abiy’s government. The armed coalition included former rivals of the TPLF, which had fought with the government during the Tigrayan war. But Wednesday’s offensive showed Tigrayan forces were fighting alongside a local armed group in Afar and the Fano militia in Amhara. The Fano fought alongside the federal government during the 2020-2022 Tigray war before rebelling against it in 2023. Meanwhile, there were concerns that Eritrea could be involved in the conflict: Eritrea, Ethiopia’s neighbor and historical adversary, militarily backed the federal government against the TPLF during the war, although relations between Addis Ababa and Asmara have since deteriorated. Eritrea has repeatedly denied accusations that it supports Ethiopian armed groups and declined to comment Wednesday on the latest developments. Diplomats and analysts have warned that renewed war could turn into a broader regional conflict and further destabilize the Horn of Africa and the wider Red Sea region.