Wednesday, July 6, 2016

Now IS The Time To Invest In Zimbabwe!!!

Doug Casey Was the Only Foreign Investor Still There…

by Nick Giambruno | July 06, 2016
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If you were in a window seat, you’d pull down the shade to reduce the risk of anti-aircraft fire hitting the plane.
At least that’s what flight crews used to tell tourists to do when landing in the African country of Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe).
The year was 1979. Rhodesia was in the midst of a civil war. On the ground, it was like a scene out of the movie Mad Max…soldiers, armored vehicles, danger and confusion everywhere.
Doug Casey was perhaps the only foreign investor still there.
Doug took a bus across the country, trying to avoid the Rhodesian Army and the rebels they were fighting. He kept asking what he should see while he was in the country, and he kept hearing about the Leopard Rock Hotel. So there he went.
What he found was a grand castle complex that Italian prisoners (captured by British forces) had helped build during World War II.
By 1979, the owners had converted it into a fantastical luxury hotel. It had 12 enormous suites, oversized fireplaces, crystal chandeliers, broad terraces, miles of horseback trails, a nine-hole golf course, 200 acres of garden with vast mountain views, and 50 acres of coffee trees. It was beautiful and huge. It had everything you would want in a luxury resort hotel.
Leopard Rock Hotel
It was the crisis and fear that generated such a dirt-cheap price. Investor sentiment couldn’t have been worse. In 1979, Zimbabwe was the last place most people wanted to put money into…which made it the best place in the world to go looking for bargains.
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If Doug had bought the hotel in 1979 and sold it six years later, he could have made 150 times his original investment. These are the kinds of returns you can make by investing in crisis markets and only by investing in crisis markets.
You don’t have to trek through a civil war battle zone or dodge bullets to find these kinds of colossal returns.
I recently spent 10 days in Zimbabwe with Doug. And like in 1979, it has huge potential for profit.
If you’ve ever seen Zimbabwe in the news, I’m certain it wasn’t positive. If you’ve ever seen Zimbabwe in some sort of international competitiveness rankings, I’m sure it ranked at or near the bottom.
There’s good reason for that. The country is in an economic and political crisis. Hyperinflation has totally destroyed the local currency. There’s been some bad press, and rightly so. But there’s a lot more to the story…
Zimbabwe is rich in natural resources…gold, platinum, diamonds, and fertile farmland.
The geological potential of the country is huge. Zimbabwe has production upside in platinum and other minerals that few can match.
The bad press has conveniently (for us) camouflaged the opportunities in Zimbabwe. And that’s part of what makes it so appealing for us as contrarians.
Zimbabwe currently has a severe cash shortage. ATMs are running out of money, liquidity has dried up, and there’s panic selling. Plus, Zimbabwe has absolutely dismal public relations. You’ve probably heard only bad things about Zimbabwe, if you’ve heard about it at all.
Zimbabwe has enormous wealth. It has some of the largest platinum, diamond, and gold reserves in the world. It has an educated population, relatively decent roads and other infrastructure, and an abundance of productive farmland.
The country should be one of the richest in Africa…not one of the poorest.
For Zimbabwe to improve, the government must be less hostile to the country’s crucial industries. That could happen soon. President Robert Mugabe has basically run the show since the country’s independence. But he is 92 years old, and it’s only a matter of time before the country moves on.
There’s a real chance for things to get “less bad.” And because things are so dirt cheap, that could mean huge profits.
Nobody knows if the government will actually make the needed changes. But I think there is a plausible chance the country will turn around, even if it might get worse in the short term. And given how cheap some asset prices are right now, the risk-reward ratio is in our favor.
This is exactly the kind of contrarian situation I look for in Crisis Investing. It’s an environment where we can find huge bargains. Because the upside is so large, I think it’s a risk worth taking.
I’ve found the perfect way to profit from the current crisis in Zimbabwe. I think there’s a great chance it could deliver 100%-plus gains—and all you need to join the party is an ordinary brokerage account. This investment trades in New York like any other U.S. stock.
Doug Casey and I recently put together a video that gives you all the details. Click here to watch it now.
Nick Giambruno
Nick is Doug Casey's globetrotting companion and is the Senior Editor of Casey Research's International Man. He writes about economics, offshore banking, second passports, value investing in crisis markets, geopolitics, and surviving a financial collapse, among other topics. He is a CFA charterholder. In short, Nick's work helps people make the most of their personal freedom and financial opportunity around the world. To get his free video crash course,click here.
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NEWS & ANNOUNCEMENTS
  • Doug Casey will be a keynote speaker at FreedomFest, which runs July 13–16 in Las Vegas. He’ll be speaking about his adventures trying to turn a dozen Third World hellholes into anarcho-capitalist havens. Doug will also debut his new novel,Speculator, signing and numbering the first edition. He will also receive the Leonard E. Read Distinguished Alumni Award forSpeculator. We have arranged to get $100 off the retail price to attend FreedomFest by using the code SALEM (all caps). Click here to register online.
  • Doug Casey will be the keynote speaker at the Sprott Vancouver Natural Resource Symposium 2016​ July 26-29Click here for more details​.
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Zimbabwe Braces For Civil Unrest!

Zim braces for more civil unrest as protests hammer economy

Jul 06 2016 06:34 
Fin24 Correspondent


Harare –  Business activity and confidence levels in Zimbabwe has taken a knock as protests over import restrictions and unrest in the public transport sector takes a toll on an already struggling economy, executives and economists said.

Zimbabwe is bracing for civil service protests after unions gave notice to strike over delayed pay on Tuesday. The government said salaries for the month of June would be delayed and instead offered a $100 advance allowance.

But this has not gone down well with the government workers and the situation has worsened by violent protests that erupted at the Beitbridge border with Zimbabwe over the weekend. As many as 70 people had been arrested over the protests, which resulted in service delivery disruption at the port of entry.

Business leaders told Fin24 on Tuesday that the economy was taking a further pounding from the civil unrest and protests by workers. They said “escalation of the situation might force businesses to close down operations” as infrastructure and equipment could be destroyed.

“Businesses in the affected areas such as service stations, shops and other companies had to partially close down yesterday because of the protests by the public transport operators. For the transport industry this has been a major disruption because there was no business on Monday,” said a business and industry leader, declining to be named.

Zimbabwe is facing constraining cash shortages that have affected business operations. With the economy now mostly informal, business has also been affected by import restrictions imposed by the government.

Zimbabwe Industry Minister Mike Bimha has however insisted that the restrictions will remain in place despite the protests at Beitbridge over the weekend. The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) on Monday said it would deal with the protesters.

Zimbabwe’s economy is expected to decline further this year amid slowing productivity in industry, manufacturing and mining – where companies are in distress. The United States issued a caution over the protests in Zimbabwe while tourism industry players say the resort towns have not yet been affected.

“The Zimbabwe Republic Police would like to warn all those who are inciting and engaging in violence that such misconduct will be severely dealt with,” said Charity Charamba, police spokesperson and a senior assistant commissioner.

Civil servants had given notice that they would strike on Tuesday, but most offices were open. However, some teachers and nurses were reported to be on a go-slow, according to Fin24 witnesses.

Acting Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare Minister Supa Mandiwanzira was quoted by state media on Tuesday saying the government was facing a “desperate situation” regarding payment of the civil servants.

Social media platforms have also been spreading word that all workers in Zimbabwe will down tools on Wednesday in protest over corruption by government officials, delayed salaries and the current cash shortages. The police force however says it is aware of those behind the civil unrest and that these would be arrested.

Another business leader said the import restrictions had been cut by more than half the revenues that the government was getting from import duties. He said “the government will run out of money and this situation of delayed salaries for public workers will worsen”.

The introduction of local bond notes in October is also fuelling a decline in business confidence in Zimbabwe, according to economists. The bond notes will be paid out as incentives to exporters, Finance Minister Patrick Chinamasa said on BBC’s Hard Talk on Tuesday.

“Exporters are not complaining (about the local currency bond notes) because this is to benefit exporters and we want to incentivise bond notes,” Chinamasa told the BBC.
              

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Monday, July 4, 2016

British Special Frauds Office Is Stepping Up Investigations Of Corruption In Africa

UK awards extra funds for SFO probe into ENRC’s mining deals

Serious Fraud Office stepping up investigation into alleged corruption involving Africa deals
The UK’s Serious Fraud Office has won special government funding to pursue itsinvestigation into Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation, the Kazakh-based miner that left the FTSE 100 in 2013 amid allegations of corruption.
The Treasury has given the cash-strapped SFO ringfenced funding for the probe into ENRC in a signal that the agency’s three-year investigation has shifted up a gear, said people familiar with the probe.
The move comes after the SFO called suspects in for a fresh wave of interviews earlier this spring. Investigators are examining ENRC’s acquisition of mines and prospects in the Democratic Republic of Congo, home to some of the world’s richest stocks of copper and cobalt.
Transaction documents show that the Congolese state sold mining rights to the Israeli tycoon Dan Gertler, a close friend of Congolese president Joseph Kabila, for far less than the price at which Mr Gertler swiftly sold them on to ENRC.
Critics argue that the transactions deprived a poor African nation of revenue, to the benefit of Mr Gertler, and question why ENRC was willing to pay the increased prices. Both Mr Gertler and ENRC have denied wrongdoing.
The SFO officially launched its probe in April 2013. But the company had begun two separate internal investigations into alleged fraud at its Kazakh and African operations following whistleblower reports. The SFO only ever received a copy of its internal report into the company’s Kazakh unit.
Listed ENRC no longer exists after being taken private by its founding trio and the Kazakh government in 2013; in its place is the renamed Eurasian Resources Group. The founding trio own 60 per cent of ERG, and the newly restructured group says it has zero tolerance for corruption.
The SFO, the Treasury and ERG declined to comment.
A so-called “blockbuster” funding arrangement with the Treasury allows the SFO to ask for extra money if an investigation is forecast to require more than 10 per cent of the SFO’s annual £33m budget.
Some of the SFO’s most high-profile investigations have secured similar funding, such as the investigation into Barclays’ arrangements with Qatar during an emergency cash call at the height of the financial crisis, and into alleged overseas corruption by Rolls-Royce.
The SFO has also received a total of £21.4m in special funding from the Treasury for its various Libor investigations.
But questions have been raised over the propriety of the Treasury giving ringfenced funds for specific investigations.
report by the inspector that oversees the SFO in May expressed concern over the agency’s reliance on blockbuster funding, arguing that the government should instead increase the SFO’s official budget, which has fallen from £52m in 2008 to £33m this year. By comparison, over the past two years the SFO has asked for blockbuster funding amounting to nearly half of its annual budget.
Additional reporting by James Wilson in London

Friday, July 1, 2016

Zimbabwe's President For Life

Zimbabwe's President for Life

    
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Forecast

  • President Robert Mugabe wants to run for re-election in 2018 at the age of 94, despite efforts within his party to replace him.
  • In the aftermath of a presidential succession, the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party will likely overcome opposition parties.
  • China's clout in Zimbabwe will shape the options available to the next president from ZANU-PF after Mugabe.

Analysis

A withering drought on top of a faltering economy and a financial crisis have not weakened the hold that Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) have on power in the country. In fact, the 92-year-old Mugabe is already looking ahead to the nation's 2018 elections. It seems that only his death, or a revolt from within his party, will end his more than three decades in office.
Zimbabwe's economy went from bad to worse in 2016 and has given little sign that it will improve. Lowered demand for minerals, a crucial export, has caused revenue from mining royalties to fall 45 percent below its first-quarter target. In addition, a severe regionwide drought has wreaked havoc on the agricultural sector, threatening the food security of millions of Zimbabweans. The country's production of tobacco, another top export, is expected to drop by more than 15 percent this year.
Falling exports along with a negative foreign investment climate, deflation and a drop in industrial production have worsened the country's cash crisis, as U.S. dollars (the de facto currency) are in short supply. As a result, the government has struggled to pay its civil servants, who make up a significant portion of the formal economy. It has even meant a troubling two-week delay in military salaries. In a bid to address the liquidity crisis, the government has taken the extreme measure of imposing restrictions on the importation of certain basic goods in an attempt to prevent further dollar outflow.
Despite those problems, Zimbabwe's government is in no imminent danger of collapse. If anything, ZANU-PF — in power since the nation's independence from the United Kingdom in 1980 — is as strong as ever. The party enjoys broad legitimacy because of its legacy as the first victorious party after independence. Its newer challengers simply do not stack up. From its start, ZANU-PF asserted itself as the de facto state party. Because practically all government officials were party members, the state and ZANU-PF were soon synonymous. The party pressed its advantage, setting up an extensive patronage system to maintain a firm grip on society, ensure the loyalty of the military and security apparatus, and exert control over key economic sectors. In addition, Mugabe's talent for winning over political opponents — such as Joshua Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union, a rival liberation party and partner during the war for independence — before destroying them at a politically opportune time has ensured the party's continued dominance.
The profound resilience of Mugabe and the ZANU-PF system he expertly manages has allowed this status quo to survive the country's near-total economic collapse in the late 2000s, when hyperinflation reached an annual rate of more than 79 billion percent and its currency became essentially worthless. Of his political survival through that and other crises, Mugabe said, "I have died many times — that's where I have beaten Christ. Christ died once and resurrected once."

Uncertainty for the Party

But given Mugabe's advanced age, the party will soon face its biggest challenge: replacing its only standard-bearer. His successor will face crucial economic and political questions as the direction of the rigid ZANU-PF state becomes less clear in a post-Mugabe era. Political jockeying in the run-up to the country's 2018 elections may distract its political leaders from undertaking needed reforms to help attract outside investment, prolonging the country's financial ills.
Mugabe's intention appears to be to run the country until his death. His political acumen has not dimmed with the years, nor has his ruthless exercise of power — when he feels it is needed. In addition, he has the added legacy as Zimbabwe's undisputed independence leader, having led his forces to victory against the white minority government of Rhodesia, and as its only national leader. His continued reign will likely hinder any significant attempts at systemic economic reform, given his desire to maintain the status quo.
Potential successors have risen and fallen over the years. Emmerson Mnangagwa, who managed important portfolios before ascending to the vice presidency in 2014, is a primary candidate. Nevertheless, Mnangagwa's continued ascension is far from guaranteed, and other challengers are maneuvering. In recent years, Mugabe's wife, Grace, has taken on a more visible role in ZANU-PF, further clouding the succession picture. The uncertainty has provided Mugabe with an additional pretext to remain in office; one thing the competing factions in the party continue to rally around is Mugabe's patronage and political prowess.
Mugabe will be forced to relinquish political power one day — either under pressure from party factions or by his death — meaning that the succession battle is looming. The circumstances of the succession will be important. If Mugabe were to reverse course and allow for a successor to rise, then he would help solidify this new leader's power base. The more likely scenario, though, is that Mugabe will die in office and a power struggle will ensue, leaving the next president to navigate the system of political control Mugabe has built without his insights.
Opposition parties such as Movement for Democratic Change and Zimbabwe People First will remain impotent. Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change and a perennial opposition candidate, recently announced that he had been diagnosed with colon cancer. Zimbabwe People First's leader, Joice Mujuru, was once a ZANU-PF heavyweight and contender for the presidency until she had a falling out with the leadership and was expelled from the party in April 2015, effectively ending her political career. Mujuru's fall from grace has enhanced the perception that political fortunes can be made only in ZANU-PF. Even if a candidate outside ZANU-PF could win a presidential election, there is no guarantee that the party-controlled state would allow the victor to take power.

Picking up the Torch

In light of the feeble political opposition and the control that ZANU-PF has over key economic sectors and security forces, a post-Mugabe election would assuredly bring a ZANU-PF figure to power. Despite any initial rifts created during the jockeying for leadership, ZANU-PF will present a more or less united front once a successor is crowned. From that point, though, that new leader will face critical questions, such as how he or she might manage the expansive system of patronage that Mugabe has wielded for decades.
The chances of stability in a post-Mugabe political order will increase if the future president has extensive party and security experience. Familiarity with the system in place will enable him or her to more quickly understand the rules of the political game and avoid angering powerful party members with perceived slights or cuts to the benefits they once enjoyed. Moreover, with firm backing from state security services, a successor will be able to clamp down on dissent.
Another important factor will be the state of the economy at the time of the transition. Mugabe's political strength and cunning was enough to prevent near-total economic collapse from shortening his rule. Yet the next leader might not be blessed with such skills, meaning that economic crises could be more politically destabilizing than during the Mugabe era. The potential threat may compel a successor to push for painful economic reforms to broaden the base of the economy and ensure the availability of state patronage. Moreover, the new leader may be faced with two potential foreign policy directions: closer relations to China or an opening up to the West.

The China Connection

After decades of warm relations with China, Zimbabwe's dependence on the growing Asian powerhouse grew in the 2000s as the Mugabe government's economic policies and autocratic system further isolated his country from the West. In recent years, the two countries have signed landmark finance deals across multiple sectors. Moreover, China has invested hundreds of millions of dollars to modernize the country's underperforming mining and agricultural sectors, in addition to spending nearly $100 million to build and fund Zimbabwe's National Defence College outside Harare.
In a particularly notable investment in Zimbabwe's diamond industry, after mining giant De Beers pulled out of the country in 2006, a new mining company called Anjin Investments — a joint venture between China's Anhui Foreign Economic Construction Group and a Zimbabwean entity called Matt Bronze — was created. The company's board included ZANU-PF leaders, national police officials and military officers, possibly adding a Chinese element to the patronage system. A move by Mugabe in March to kick several mining companies, including Anjin Investments, out of the country's largest diamond field may have been a ploy to more fully restore his control over the patronage system. His desire to further his interests is to be expected, and the dynamic will change when his tenure ends.
Zimbabwe's relationship with China could be a powerful tool for a party such as ZANU-PF if it feels that it must resist calls from the West to liberalize the political system to maintain its rule. It could also prove tempting to a figure such as Mnangagwa, who may feel compelled to violently crack down on resistance if factions in ZANU-PF and pressures from broader Zimbabwean society challenge his rule. His visibility in Beijing in recent years may mean that Chinese leaders are comfortable with him. Although they would not demonstrate overt support for his candidacy, they would be an alternative if the West refuses to significantly engage, ensuring that the financial tap will continue flowing for Zimbabwe. Moreover, the next leader's effectiveness may be enhanced if he knows how to navigate Chinese networks and how to increase Chinese investment.
Regardless of who succeeds Mugabe, Zimbabwe's next president will inherit a political system that has been defined for decades by his deft manipulation of party patronage and sharp political skills. The decisions the successor takes will define the country's path forward in the post-Mugabe era.